Opinion
Slave-Labour Economy
On page 6 of The Tide newspaper, Fri. Sept. 17, 2021, Professor Kingsley Moghalu, a former Deputy Director of the Central Bank of Nigeria, told us that over $600 billion of Nigeria’s money had been stolen since 1960. He is sad over that situation, like some other Nigerians are, which is his motivating desire to contest to be a president come 2023. Moghalu went on to tell us that corruption remains one of the biggest problems facing Nigeria, and also listed four measures necessary to fight the scourge.
Being an erudite economist, Moghalu would know how citizens react to a predatory and parasitic political economy deliberately put in place by caterpillars of the commonwealth. He would undoubtedly know what very wide income disparity in an economy can bring about, especially where the marginalised class of citizens gnash their teeth in silence. With a minimum income of N30,000 per month, Moghalu must be aware that there are Nigerians whose total monthly take-home is over N30 million; sans hidden incomes!
A slave-labour economy is captured in the common adage of “monkey working but baboon chopping”. Would any honest Nigerian deny that the Nigerian political economy operates on such predatory and parasitic foundation? While it may not be necessary to dig into the origin of how such foundation was put in place, any intelligent analyst would seek to dig out the engine of the Nigerian economy and those who hold it in monopoly. Docility of Nigerians may not continue for too long!
Clever schemes in a predatory and parasitic political economy are usually put in place in such a way that individual managers of the political and economic systems serve as mere yeomen or stooges. Being a professor, Moghalu must have supervised postgraduate projects and must also be aware of the role of a “blind reader”. A blind assessor evaluates what is brought before him to assess and within the context of academic culture. Academic culture trades on provable and quantifiable indices, such that what cannot be put in chapters and verses are not acceptable evidence.
So, the hide-and-seek game goes on and on, while naïve persons can be swayed by sanctimonious sermons as panacea for corruption. Four means of curbing corruption, according to Moghalu, include value system education and reform; leadership by example via accountability; punishment for corruption, and improvement in the reward system in public services. It is true that “many people steal in public life because they are afraid about their old age and whether they will have anything or a roof over their heads”.
When Senator Ben Murray Bruce once suggested an option of cutting down remunerations of political office holders in order to provide for a social welfare system, he was told to use his own allowances for that purpose. Another lawmaker had the audacity to say that their allowances were not enough for members of the National Assembly. Also a former state governor who later became a senator, went on to say that he was getting less as a senator than when he was a governor when all his needs were free.
When the umbrella body of Nigerian university lecturers (ASUU) cried out many years ago that Nigerian senators had remunerations four times what the President of USA earned, Nigerian masses did not go to the streets to protest. Nigerians did not protest because they knew what slave masters do to slaves who complain that they are hungry. When late Senator Francis Ellah raised a lone voice of protest in the Senate about a predatory structure that Nigerian lawmakers were putting in place, he was shouted down thanks to his Unfinished Motion.
It is not that a few Nigerians were not aware of what was going on in the Nigerian political economy since 1970, but the question is: who would fight a ruthless and vicious monster? Such a vicious titan or monster does not operate as an individual person but as an impersonal system foisted on a society through the instrumentality of state policies and programmes. An unsuspecting and naïve populace carry and endure the burdens of such chicanery, whereby lawmakers become the tools and agents of perfecting of the parasitic system. Do we have such?
We can see the excrescences and clever pattern of operation of the predatory and parasitic system in current issues of open grazing, PIA and VAT controversies where people can speak from two sides of their mouths. “Robbing Peter to pay Paul” is an idiom as well as a message, whereby those who are courageous to raise a voice of protest are called ugly names and their actions described as Satanic, idiotic, since they are seen as jokers who can be bought over. Truly, money has played a key role in the process of enslavement of the Nigerian masses.
Perhaps, the fault may not be in the stars but in ourselves, that we are such down trodden unaderlings or slaves to political and economic gangsters. A major tool used by gangsters is fear, through intimidation and braggadocio; thanks to proliferation of arms. Another tool is money, through which stubborn opponents can be bribed or bought over. Predators use the resources and opportunities provided by their target victims, to intimidate and hold them hostage. In the case of Nigeria, oil is the key resource.
It is important to state that the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) provided ample opportunity for the installation of a predatory and parasitic order of political economy. It came to stay and efforts being made currently to fight the monster is what we call war against corruption. Truly, corruption is not the fundamental issue but a living vestige of an institutionalised slave-labour economy. Therefore, Professor Moghalu, even as a President of Nigeria, would be fighting against an invincible monster which he cannot root out.
Add all these issues to the fact that Nigeria’s current total national debt stands at N35.5 trillion, not including other hidden commitments that are not made public. Then why do we have invincible “bandits” that cannot be beaten by the colossal might of the nation? Obviously, something is fishy somewhere, and Nigerians should be asking questions. Among such questions should be: who are the predators and slave masters who hire bandits to keep the status quo intact? And for whose benefits? At the end of the day, we can go the way of Afghanistan! End of story! Moghalu’s nation-building mission aside!
By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
