Editorial
Before 2023 Elections
More than one year after the February 23, 2019 Presidential and National Assembly elections and the subsequent Governorship and State House of Assembly polls held on March 9 of the same year, claims and counter-claims of the credibility or otherwise of the elections are still reverberating within the nation’s political space. Not too long ago, the Supreme Court finally put to rest some of the high profile cases involving Imo, Bayelsa, Rivers, Kano, Sokoto States and, of course, the litigation filed by Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate, against the All Progressives Congress (APC) flagbearer and incumbent President of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari.
Accusations and counter-accusations of electoral manipulations, violence, the role of security operatives to favour particular party or politician, vote buying, ballot box snatching, among other vices which characterised the electoral process still dominate public discourse till date.
Understandably, stakeholders, the civil society groups, the media, foreign observers, political parties, the academia, among others, commonly agree that Nigeria is yet to get it right and the need to rejig the nation’s political and electoral process, therefore, becomes inevitable and imperative.
Stakeholders blame the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for what most considered as biased and partial (mis)handling of the electoral system while others accused the security community, especially the military for doing the bidding of the ruling party, the APC.
While The Tide empathises with losers of the 2019 general election, we, however, strongly believe that most of the challenges and hiccups that bedeviled the elections emanated from the Electoral Act which urgently requires amendment before the 2023 general elections.
Happily enough, the electoral umpire, INEC, had in its post-election assessment conceded that the 2019 elections were anything but okay and perfect. In other words, INEC’s Chairman, Professor Mamood Yakubu, confirmed that the elections fell short of global best practices, though, according to him, no election in the world could be said to be flawless or perfect.
Perhaps, that is why the Senator Ovie Omo-Agege Constitution Review Committee and the National Assembly’s move to further amend the Electoral Act becomes absolutely necessary as the country strives in our democratic experiment.
We are, indeed, consoled by the Deputy Senate President, Omo-Agege’s confessions that the 9th Senate’s efforts at amending the Electoral Act was, indeed, prompted by the Supreme Court and the INEC that observed the need to comply with electoral rules and regulations and the inevitability to further amend the Electoral Act before the next phase of elections.
Citing the bill entitled: Bill for an Act to Amend the Electoral Act (No 6) 2010 and other Related Matters 2019, Omo-Agege noted that “in response to several decisions by the Supreme Court wherein the apex court directly or indirectly invited the National Assembly to make necessary amendments to the Electoral Act, it is only responsible for NASS to act accordingly wherever there are apparent lacunae in our laws.”
The Tide agrees no less with the Deputy Senate President who also doubles as chairman of the Constitution Review Committee. Our position hinges on the obvious fact that the quantum of electoral litigations that greeted the 2019 general elections was quite enormous and constituted a huge pressure and challenge on our judicial process.
From all indications, it does appear that never in our electoral history had Nigeria witnessed such avalanche of petitions that put the nation’s judicial process on edge. The 2015 general elections were not that bad as compared to 2019.
That is why the political class, the parties, INEC, 1999 Constitution (as amended), the Electoral Act, security agencies, among others, need to up their game; and one sure way to do that is to allow internal democracy, strict adherence to rules and regulations must be observed.
For Nigeria to make significant progress in politics and democracy, we must imbibe global best practices as evidenced in the advanced democracies of the Western world. Our politicians and parties must learn to obey the law and imbibe an enduring political culture that he who fights today and loses in a transparent process has another day to win.
Section 153 (f) and Section 160 of the Constitution and Sections 153 of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) clearly state that provisions of the Electoral Act and the 1999 Constitution as they affect our elections should not be observed pervasively as such could cause incalculable damage to our integrity and electoral system.
Electronic voting pattern and other modern techniques and technologies that will minimise electoral fraud, rigging and other vices that virtually marred the 2003 elections must be introduced.
That, for us, is the right way to go if Nigeria should make significant progress in its electoral system.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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