Opinion
Thrones Of Yesteryears
Thrones can mean special chairs used by kings and queens at important ceremonies, as symbols of their high and elevated status. Thrones symbolize high and exalted positions held by individuals and nations, at different historical periods. Some thrones are hereditary, while others can be achieved by might, popular goodwill of the masses, by cunning, blusters and subterfuge. Some last longer than others.
There have been various serious studies on the rise and fall of kings, kingdoms, principalities and powers over different periods in history. Key emphasis in such studies is largely to find out reasons and causes of the fall of great kings and nations. It would not be enough to resort to the hackneyed cliché that righteousness exalts a nation while sin destroys it, because, no individual or nation is really righteous.
History is largely the study of the causes of events and patterns of human organizations and ideas – a study of the changes that take place over time and the forces that brought them about. Many desolate and backward places across the globe today show some traces of better days in the past, for example, the great Mali Empire.
Ancient Egyptian civilisation rose and perfected techniques in irrigation and other works of art; giving humanity a national religion with emphasis on a doctrine of personal immortality, of reward and punishment after death. Principal reason for the doctrine of ancient Egypt was the mixture of magic and deceit with religion, coupled with tyranny and the arrogance of power. There was also the culture of influence peddling.
Ancient Assyrians rose prominently as a nation of warriors, giving humanity a legacy of building up great military machine. They became the most hated of all nations of antiquity because of their unparalleled brutality and callousness. Despite their military might and the fear they instilled in other nations, the decline and fall of the Assyrians arose from conspiracy and ill will.
The Greeks and Romans ruled the world during their era of glory, giving humanity the spirit of free inquiry, whereby knowledge became supreme over faith. Despite their fame, decline came from many internal contradictions, among which was the love of disputation and intellectual sophistry.
Contribution of the Hebrews and Christian civilization gave humanity much shining light but soon, hypocrisy, bigotry and conceit clouded the glorious promises. In a similar way Islam was assaulted by a split into two sects – Shiites and Sunnites, in 656 AD. Thus two dominant religions which were meant to bring light to humanity were assaulted by schisms, splitting the world and reducing the focus of their doctrines.
The Punic Wars and the Crusades soon drove home the lesson that human beings are restless and self-seeking creatures, with a propensity to destroy all things bright and beautiful. Historically, causes of the fall of great nations and civilizations have been attributed to militarism and war-mongering tyranny, oppression and expansionist drive; unfair taxation of the poor masses, to support the rich and mighty and their armies; shamelessness and abuse of womanhood. All these lapses gave rise to internal quarrels and instability.
As with kingdoms, nations and corporate bodies so also with individuals and families, with respect to the theory of social and cultural dynamics. Surely, glorious times and good things of life come and go; corruption and other social vices rise and leave sad trails in society. But, behind such phenomena, there are traces of a regulating mechanism. Among various causes listed for the fall of nations, there is one that is receiving serious attention currently.
Thanks must go to some of my academic colleagues in the search for Why Nations Fail. Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, for their works in political, economic and military causes for the origin of failures. Stephen R. Covey, for his emphasis on the Brain Dominance Theory as the source of human failure–the mechanism of the right and left hemispheres of the human brain.
Briefly, humans are endowed with objective, sensory or intellectual faculty and also extra-sensory or intuitive faculty, both as tools or means of perception and addressing the challenges of life. Regular and excessive exertion of one hemisphere of the brain resulted in under-utilisation and under-development of the section not explored. Whereas both the intellectual and the intuitive media of perception should be developed equally and applied according to their functions, the intellect was allowed to become dominant and also domineering in all affairs.
The challenge for those who share this line of thought is how to balance the media of perception so that inferior or subordinate, support-tool is not used to address issues that are beyond its scope to handle. Thrones, systems and programs would continue to collapse where they use the wrong tool to stand.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer at the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
