Politics
Buhari’s 2019 Budget Presentation: Another Developmental Anomaly
There was near pandemonium last Wednesday on the floor of the National Assembly (NASS) when Nigeria’s President, Muhammadu Buhari presented the 2019 budget. The bone of contention was disagreement over claims on achievements in the past three and half years of governance by the ruling party, All Progressives Congress (APC).
While members of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) led opposition booed as the Mr. President mentioned the purported achievements of the government one-by-one, the ruling party hailed. But even then, the voice of the opposition was unmistakably too high to be subsumed.
At the end of the day, all other normalcy was thrown to the air as the session came to an abrupt end, with no speech entertained from neither the President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki, nor the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara.
Expectedly, in a democracy, this action of the ruling party has attracted various reactions. Specifically as is characteristic of Nigerian politics, some of these reactions, coming from the echelon of the ruling party, are self-contradictory, to the point that questions their real intentions.
One of the earliest reactions to the commotion in the Hallowed Chambers came from the Chairman of the House Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Mr Abdulrazak Namdas, who declared the day’s event as normal in a democracy.
According to him, “What happened on the floor of the House was democracy in action. There is nothing abnormal about it because you could see that (members of) the ruling party were hailing the President but the opposition was not doing same.
“Everybody has the right to freedom of speech. But at the end of the day, the budget has been presented by the President and message has been passed, and it has been laid. That is what is important”.
He however evaded questions regarding why the Senate President and Speaker of House where not given opportunity to give their speeches, as a matter of responsibility.
His explanation was, “I want you to know that it was not just the Speaker, even when the President was actually reading out the budget speech, there was interruption at each point.”
In his response, the Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, who spoke on behalf of Government, credited what transpired to those he called “unruly lawmakers who threw away parliamentary decorum to behave like ordinary protesters or agitators’’.
According to the Minister, “it is nothing but bad politicking, infantile politicking/parliamentary rascality. But the real news is that the unruly action provided the platform for our party, the APC, to assert its majority in the National Assembly”.
He did not stop there, as far as he is concerned, the incidents of that Wednesday, December 19, 2018 in the NASS is lesson for what will happen in the call of Nigerians for the President to assent to the pending Electoral Bill ahead of the 2019 general elections.
He used the opportunity to explain that as far as the same Electoral Bill was used to conduct the 2015 elections, which was adjudged to be largely free and fair, there was no need to change it.
“That law was drafted and approved under the same opposition that is now crying foul. “At what point did they lose confidence in this same law? What do they know that they are not telling Nigerians? The noise over the bill is a distraction and a potential alibi for an opposition in disarray,’’ he said.
In all of this melodrama, clearly characterized more by a quest by the ruling party to let the status quo remain than alleviate the sufferings of Nigerians, whose voice do not seem to matter, one key phenomenon that has played out is anomalies that can be hugely developmental for Nigeria, if the players truly have patriotism running throw their veins.
This season of developmental anomalies started with the first ever loss by a sitting President in 2015, when then President Goodluck Jonathan was voted out of power. While this was normal in a true democracy, it was widely seen as abnormal in Nigeria’s version of democracy.
The reason is mostly a mere belief that given the power accorded the Chief Executive in Nigeria, he is in a position to “do and undo”, meaning that he has the power to do virtually anything he deems fit. All he has to do is give just any explanation for his actions. The believability of such explanation is usually not secondary.
Another developmental abnormality played out again in the constitution of the leadership of the NASS at the end of elections in 2015. The contention was on who should be the Senate President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Expectedly, both the ruling party and the opposition had their choices. But as is usual, especially in Nigerian politics, in which merit can easily be slaughtered without qualms for mediocrity, just to prove superiority, amongst other unnecessary considerations, the choice of the ruling party takes the day.
But, at the end of a lot of political horse trading, which included bootlicking, propaganda, trade-by-barter, advocacy, etc, at various dignified levels, the fewer opposition members succeeded in instituting their choices for both the Senate President and Speaker of the Lower House, in the fold of Saraki and Dogara respectively.
While this was also abnormal in the Nigerian political white book, it was developmental to the point that it created a reasonable atmosphere of balance that had been hitherto non-existent at that level of Nigeria’s politics.
This has so far given little room for reason, if any, not to contend that it is these developmental anomalies at the highest levels of the country’s political space that has given birth and standing to such vehement disagreements witnessed recently over the call for the President’s assent to the Electoral Bill, and the incidents of last Wednesday over the 2019 budget.
In all, it has not only become easier to identify the rabble-rousers and pathological self-serving sycophants in Nigeria’s polity, but also made the institution of change at the right time very imperative.
What is yet to be done to seal the institution of more development anomalies in the Nigerian mentality, perhaps, is ensuring that when it is time for these anomalies to occur, nothing can stop them, not even the incumbency factor.
One way to ensure this is to put the Nigerian Constitution aright and make it work for the people.
Soibi Max-Alalibo
Politics
LP Crisis: Ex-NWC Member Dumps Dumps Abure Faction
Mr Ojukwu, who recently returned to the interim National Working Committee led by Senator Esther Nenadi Usman, noted that the party had 34 elected members in the House of Representatives, eight Senators, and 80 members at the state Houses of Assembly after the 2023 general elections.
“Now we lost all of them,” he said. “I don’t think we have as many as five members in the National Assembly.”
The former national officer of the LP talked to journalists in Abuja and said he chose to join the caretaker committee led by Senator Nenadi-Usman because they are now the officially recognized leaders of the Party.
“I chose to work with the caretaker committee to help save the Labour Party, for the benefit of the party. I also want to use this chance to ask my colleagues at the national, state, and local government levels to come together and help rebuild our party.
“Another election is around the corner. We lost everything we have. They have left to other political parties. So I’ll reach out to all my friends in the other group to get together and work on making this party stronger again.
“The caretaker committee has formed a reconciliation committee. Let’s come together and talk so that we can restore the first opposition political party in Nigeria.”
Mr Ojukwu, who was part of the Julius Abure’s group, said there are no more factions in the LP.
He added, “There is a court ruling, and since it is valid, the right people are in the correct positions.”
He urged Barr Abure and others to drop the legal cases they have filed because they are not helping the party.
“Litigations are killing political parties”, he said. “They’ve seen many political parties disappear because of legal battles, and the Labor Party is losing support every day, which makes me feel sad.”
Mr Ojukwu said he did not think joining the Senator Nenadi-Usman’s NWC was a betrayal of the Abure group, describing himself as “the oxygen” of that faction.
“I’m with this group because of the verdict. But I never betrayed anybody. Rather, I was betrayed,” he added.
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