Opinion
How Potent Is The Nigerian Press?
It is trite knowledge that democracy is a concept that invariably has to do with the participation of people in governance. This engagement is presented in four pillars. They are the legislative, executive, judiciary and the press, known as the Fourth Estate of the realm.
The legislative pillar is responsible for making laws used to govern a state. These laws are either formed directly by the people (direct democracy) or through their representatives often referred to as indirect democracy.
Similarly, the executive pillar is responsible for implementing the laws enacted by the legislature. Those in this pillar of democracy as well as the legislative are selected on the basis of election. This is also called the merit system.
The judiciary is another pillar of democracy which interprets and keeps a check on laws and orders and ensures that the laws and orders do not infringe on the fundamental rights of citizens of a country.
Of course, the press is also a pillar of democracy. It ensures that all people living far and near are abreast of developments in a country or location. It guarantees transparency and harmony in the workings of the three arms of government.
Democracy is not practised or fully implied if the four pillars fail to function appropriately. All the pillars have varying powers depending on the country they are operated. For instance, in the United States of America (USA), the court is very powerful while in the United Kingdom (UK), it is the legislature that dominates the judiciary.
Any system that awards greater control to any person or group over others is not a democracy. It is an autocracy. However, there is a fierce debate among some persons on whether the media is to be called the fourth pillar of democracy. If the media were not significant, in the first place, the argument would not have arisen. The media is very crucial that was why the British parliamentarian, Lord Macaulay, had given it the status of the fourth pillar.
Undoubtedly, the media plays a far-reaching role as an informative bridge between governing bodies and the general public. In the absence of the media, how many people will acknowledge the policies of government or the bills that are passed in parliament and what their positive or negative effects are?
If media practitioners remain reticent in the face of bad governance, won’t the government act without restraints and violate the rights of its citizens? It is for this critical role of the media it is normally said that “the freedom of media is the guarantee of success for a government”.
This captious task of the media is exemplified in the Indian rape incident that transpired a couple of years ago. In that event, the media played a remarkable role in raising a robust debate on women’s safety. As soon as news of the rape broke, the media rose to the occasion and led Indians to deeply introspect.
Furthermore, the Indian press encouraged citizens to be part of radical reforms the country required, while at the same time it roundly gave expression to public grief. Thereafter, the media covered the demonstrations and accorded the demands of protesters a voice. It also exposed growing crime statistics against women.
In the light of the vibrancy of the Indian press and that of its Western counterparts, can the Nigerian press be said to have lived up to its billing? How potent is it? Does it really set agenda for Nigerians or even engage in passionate advocacy in civil rights as the Indian press did in the predicament of those women?
Perhaps the Nigerian media has done creditably well. After all, it contributed incredibly to the return of democracy in the country. This it did through criticisms of the military juntas, mobilisation of the citizens to participate in entrenching democratic values, exposing cases of corruption and making public officers duly accountable to the people.
Despite these great attainments of the media, it is still faced with severe challenges bordering on ethnicity, lack of adequate modern communication gadgets, strain from pressure groups and the government, political patronage, ownership question, massive corruption, poor welfare and insecurity, among several others.
Clearly, the Nigerian media needs urgent redemption to live up to the ideals of the profession. Therefore, it must deal with the caged cases of corruption and unethical conduct among its members. Let the right atmosphere be created for members of this noble profession to operate without let or hindrance.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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