Opinion
On The Invasion Of Senate
Wednesday, April 18, 2018 would forever be remembered as a day of infamy in the annals of Nigeria’s legislative and political history. It was a day when some angry Nigerians, arguably constituents of suspended Senator Ovie Omo-Agege, stormed the red chamber of the National Assembly complex and made away with the mace. The mace is the symbol of authority in the legislature.
This unfortunate and sad incident happened at exactly the same time Senator Omo-Agege “forced” himself into the Senate chamber in violation of the 90-day suspension slammed on him by the Senate the week before. Senator Omo-Agege has since denied any link with the theft of the mace and the police announced its recovery the next day. Investigations by the police and other bodies are currently on-going.
Undoubtedly, there is a nexus between the suspension of the senator, his “forced” entry into the Senate chamber, and the invasion of the Senate by some angry Nigerians. But not in the way that most Nigerians think.
Senator Omo-Agege’s sin which incurred the wrath of his colleagues, was that he, in the company of nine other senators, addressed a press conference in which he voiced fears that the re-ordered election sequence bill was targeted at President Muhammadu Buhari. That bill has been placed on suspension in the aftermath of the drama that took place last week.
According to the Senate, that statement by one of their own within the precincts of the National Assembly complex, is an incitement of Nigerians, most especially Buhari die-hards in Northern Nigeria, against the Senate.
Ironically, our distinguished senators did not consider the revelation of the humongous salaries and allowances they earn by Senator Shehu Sani, as an incitement of Nigerians against the Senate despite the backlash that greeted it from all and sundry. They also did not consider it proper to suspend Senator Dino Melaye, a vocal acolyte of the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, for using obscene words to verbally assault Senator Oluremi Tinubu on the floor of the Senate. They also applauded Senator Eyinnaya Abaribe when he declared that the president is incompetent.
The crux of the matter is that we have a Senate that has constituted itself into an opposition party and a cog in the wheel of progress of the Buhari administration. Their pastimes include flexing muscles with the executive and its agencies, proposing unpopular legislations and passing resolutions that are not within their brief. Few examples are the face-off with the Nigerian Customs Service boss, Colonel Hameed Ali (rtd); the anti-social media bill, the anti-NGO bill and the recent resolution calling on President Buhari to sack all the service chiefs.
How can an institution which is supposed to provide a forum for robust debate of the policies and programmes of the government, transmute into one that stifles free speech, and suppresses opinions and dissenting views of its members?
I condemn the descration of the hallowed upper chamber. People should learn to stomach their angst and express their grievances through recognized legal channels. However, I see nothing wrong in Senator Omo-Agege’s action since there was a valid court order against his suspension by the Senate. The laws of the Federal Republic of Nigeria takes precedence over the Senate rules which his colleagues relied upon to suspend him.
My grouse is that an entire region, made up of five million people, have been denied of representation at the Senate due to legislative dictatorship. In the event that there is an oil spill, or a natural disaster which claims the lives of thousands, or the need to cite one or two federal projects in the region, the entire Urhobo nation who has contributed immeasurable human, material, natural and financial resources to the Nigerian state since independence in 1960 till date, will have nobody to speak for them or fight for them.This is a great injustice meted against the people.
Akus wrote in from Ifo, Ogun State.
Peter Ovie Akus
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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