Opinion
Imperatives Of JAMB’s Benchmark
Recently, Joint Admission and Matriculation Board, JAMB, the statutory agency for regulating admissions into tertiary institutions in the country, reviewed its benchmark pegging the minimum requirement to 120 points. The development signaled thumbs-up and down. Some argued that the development will finally reduce the standard of education to a zero level and therefore called for immediate reversal to the status quo.
However, those making reservations seemingly failed to call to mind or perhaps, unaware that a good number of students from the well-to-do homes, over time rarely meet up with the prescribed cut-off marks, yet first to appear on admission lists. Don’t ask me how. However, candidates from the less-privileged homes who through hard work and diligence met the required cut-off marks are denied admissions. On a second look, the critics also forgot that those in part-time in the same universities offering same programmes do not participate in Universities Matriculation Examinations (UME) apart from few that are strictly on full-time studies like Medicine, Law and Engineering.
Numerically, this abnormality originally earmarked for good, has frustrated a lot from getting admissions. On the third, the opponents forgot that admission into universities does not guarantee graduation but good performance. The increasing number of able candidates, most from the low-class roaming the streets over JAMB excesses, ought to raise some concerns.
More worrisome is situations where factually competent candidates are hindered for less competent ones in the name of Vice Chancellors’ list, Registrar’s lists, HOD’s lists, senators lists and even other rooms’ lists. Indeed, the elites in conjunction with JAMB have played enough Jamborees with leaders of tomorrow. Some brilliant O’level school leavers had after several consecutive years of patronizing JAMB with neither benefits nor interests yielded; some three, five and even sevenyears, abandoned wonderful dreams of furthering their education, due to shame.
The new development will inevitably open wider doors for tertiary education and eliminate the corruption thriving in universities, and at the same time add values to the citizenry keenly interested in education. As long as lecturers adopt the standard operating system by teaching, examining and clearing students through marking schemes instead of the usual bedroom examinations for opposite sex, hire-purchase or cash ‘n’ carry results for the rich; the new admission template will not be compromised.
The onus therefore shifts to the university dons to strictly adhere to the scheme of work accordingly rather than selfish interests.
The Federal Ministry of Education should put adequate mechanism in place to ensure that lecturers are optimistic in service delivery. Nevertheless, the new benchmark will not discontinue the sequential best to good preferences.
In similar vein, the National Council on Education, NCE recently deflated the rumours on exclusion of Christian Religious Studies. Ditto on History viewed as misadventures on account of endless aggressions and hate speeches from virtually all the ethnic groups in the country in recent times.
Factually, the 9-year Basic Education Curriculum, BEC originated from Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration in 2008. However, owing to commotion over plethora of subjects, they were rearranged by the previous administration in 2012 with the then Minister of Education, Professor Ruqayyatu Ahmed Rufa’i and Minister of State for Education, Barr. NyesomWike, now Rivers State governor, alongside Professor Godswill Obioma as the then Executive Secretary, Nigerian Educational Research and Development Council, NERDC.The rearrangement led to grouping of the five subjects; Christian Religious Studies, Islamic Religious Studies, Social Studies, Civic Education and Security Education under the Religion and National Values, RNV as shown in the National Policy on Education, 6th edition (2014) for basic education (primary 1 to junior secondary 3) at page 10 – 13.
President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration implemented the UBE with a slight review through the present Minister of Education, MallamAdamuAdamu in 2016, which merely disarticulated History from Social Studies to stand separately as two subjects, and nothing more. The development resulting from consultations was to engage children deeply in Social Studies and History rather than the shallow knowledge that merely recites public office holders and cities as thoroughly-crafted panacea over the hurly-burlies in the contemporary age.
Similarly, French language alleged to be elective with the ‘Islamic Arabic studies’; alien to the curriculum, is clearly a compulsory subject from Primary 4 as provided in Section 2 (23) 7 at page 13 of the National Policy on Education. Furthermore, Arabic language remains optional since 2008, and exclusively for those willing to have knowledge of the language.
Commendably, NCE reiterated its position in line with the 9-year BEC policy which emphatically provides, “no child should be coerced or compelled to learn or taught any religious studies curriculum in school but one out of the two that restrictively relates to the belief system professed by the child and his/her parents”.
Thus, no child is, however, under any compulsion to offer religious studies other than that of the parents in public schools. Of course, if in private schools, a different ball game with respect to‘volenti non fit injuria’ (to a willing person, no harm is done). Ditto missionary schools, since they cannot teach the doctrines of other religion. Overall, the Federal Government perspicaciously utilized the Basic Education Curriculum to tackle unemployment and at the same time impacting positively on leaders of tomorrow.
Umegboro is a public affairs analyst.
Carl Umegboro
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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