Opinion
Can We Dance?
Dancing is as old as music itself. It has its root in the Bible long before the time of King David when the Israelites had Levites who danced as well as sang.
Dancing is synonymous with joy. It is a genuflection of body, mind and soul to the rhythm of pleasantries. It is a self-re-awakening of ecstasy, an expression of joyful mood. Apart from the usual dirge that occasionally accompanies the demise of kings and powerful monarchs in some parts of Africa, dancing is uniquely meant for joyful celebration.
If the above allegory is anything to go back, can we, as Nigerians, dance as we mark the 18th year anniversary of uninterrupted civil rule in our country?
The Democracy Day, as May 29 of every year has come to be known in Nigeria, is a day we set aside to celebrate the re-birth of our country that had long been held captive and prostrate by a cabal of military careerists and self-serving carpetbaggers. It, indeed, sounds a death knell for the rule of gun.
May 29 provides Nigeria a big leap forward towards self re-awakening. It will not be a bad idea, therefore, if we break into songs and dances, clink glasses of champagne or even perform the annual ritual of slapping each other’s backs, either on the streets or on the pages of newspapers, all in the name of celebrating the successful completion of the 18th gear of our forward march.
Before we switch into the 19th gear, however, we should ask ourselves certain heart-to-heart questions. How far and how well has Nigeria fared in the last 18 years? What have we achieved in concrete terms? Or shouldn’t we look back? And why should we look back?
These soul-searching questions are important to us as a nation to enable us project into the future.
As erudite Professor Femi Osofisan rightly noted in his foreword to a book, some years ago; “The past is certainly important, as a backdrop, to show us where we are coming from, and hence furnish us with a firm footing to confront the future. But the past is even more important as a mirror, to show us who we are in the present, and to bring us as well a reflection of who we are going to be in the future”.
Sadly, most Nigerians hate to look back. Late Chief Chukwuemeka Odimegwu Ojukwu was once quoted to have said that, if the Almighty wanted men to look back, it would not have been beyond Him to provide men with a pair of eyes at the back of the head.
The late Biafran General may be right. But in truth, a country that cannot look back cannot seriously look forward to its future, to paraphrase another scholarly mind, Dan Agbese.
To appreciate our forward march, therefore, we must ask ourselves the probing question that the former Republican Party candidate in the US Presidential election, Ronald Reagan asked the American voters during the 1980 campaign for the White House: “Are you better off today than four years ago?”
By way of emphasis, are Nigerians better off today than 18 years ago?
There is no doubt that the past 18 years of civilian rule have provided us the unique opportunity to walk free and even call our leaders names without the fear of Dracula fangs. Needless to say that Nigeria is no longer a Pariah that the international community dared to touch even with the longest pole.
And of course, the standard of living has taken some leap for-ward for few Nigerians who know the path to economic fortune, just as it has been a dream world for our politicians, most of whom have not recovered from the shock of the good fortunes that democracy has thrust on their laps.
It is perhaps from the hoipolloi and deluge of the scums of the earth who live out their lives in the laps of penury that you are likely to get an earful. And they are as many as the number of civil servants, unemployed youths, pensioners, street beggars and urchins who eke out a living on daily basis.
Nevertheless, Rome, they say, was not built in a day. Why then shall we dance not?
Even though, some of our leaders have taken us one step forward, two steps backward, or better still, making us oscillate around the circle; a handful of them deserves a pat on the back, for having the political heft to put smiles on people’s faces.
So, as we celebrate the 18th annual ritual of our fledgling democracy, shall we, therefore, rise up and dance to the rhythm of our forward march, if indeed there is any? Please, never say nay to dancing.
Boye Salau
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
