Opinion
Amaechi’s Scorched-Earth Politics (11)
It is fair to say that as former Governor, Amaechi
laid Rivers State to waste on the back of a dubious pan-Nigerian agenda, with revenue in excess of three trillion naira, Rivers State as a crippled financial entity should have been the stuff of fantasy only, comparable to filling Helm’s Deep on a palm, even for an artful reverse alchemist. But evidence on the ground belied such riches and it beggars belief that state with such vast resources was unable to perform the most ordinary duties including payment of salaries.
Basic infrastructure in Port Harcourt, not the least roads, was disgraceful, as much as anything else state-wide, as everyone cast envious glances at Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, with a rueful sense of what might have been.
But whilst he wrought economic and social havoc at home, Amaechi was occupying himself with a bewildering projection of power well outside his mandate as governor, which entailed a massive expropriation of Rivers resources in a slavish splurge that also played a pivotal role in President Jonathan’s takedown.
That twin act of heresy invited a sense of affront from a people who had long despised Amaechi and his brand of politics in a country where they had borne the weight of the oppressive majority’s “politics of competitive ethnicity”, to quote Ken Saro-Wiwa.
People pondered the existential implications of Amaechi’s extraordinary betrayal for, as Walter Rodney explains, power determines “the extent to which a people survive as a physical and cultural entity”. But Amaechi was throwing his own people to the dogs instead.
To put it in context, besides Governor Nyesom Wike’s endearing gravitas and common touch, the people additionally embrace him because he symbolises the constant in their bruised ethos. That constant is a sense of profound injustice and the concomitant pushback against the perpetrators for whom Amaechi is seen as an agent. This visceral negativity towards Amaechi found loud expression in the outpouring of jubilation across the Niger Delta when the Supreme Court upheld Governor Wike’s election.
This is the unflattering backdrop to the 2015 general elections and 19th March legislative rerun elections in the state which Amaechi’s contrived bravado and media soundbites conceal. The 2015 gubernatorial contest between Wike and Petersisde was a veritable match-up between the Giant and a Lilliputian. Besides the daunting electoral headwind that Peterside faced as Amaechi’s protege, he also personally shares his master’s major flaws in his unrestrained penchant for hubris and high-flown demagoguery while lacking any meaningful grassroots ability. Only people who specialise in high farce gave him a fighting chance.
Former governors Peter Odili and Celestine Omehia have noted in their respective books that Amaechi doesn’t reckon with compunction. Yet, his savage inveighing of the justices of the Supreme Court over the 27th January judgment is astonishing and an irony reminiscent of Mary Shelly’s Frankenstein’s monster. It was the same court that made him governor when it declared him ‘winner’ of an election he never even contested!
Prof. Ben Nw bueze has argued that Amaechi’s inauguration as governor on October 26, 2007 without contesting an election amounted to an unconstitutional takeover of part of government of Nigeria, contrary to section 1(2) of the constitution. In plain terms, a coup! As Supreme Court judgments go, that which appointed Amaechi as governor stands alone as an oddity. Yet, no one cooked up conspiracy theories.
The 27th January Supreme Court decision on the Rivers State governorship election, in contrast, was well reasoned, being predicated on existing legislation and the finer principles of precedent. Shorn of the scripted bedlam by Amaechi and his party, the judgment merely confirmed what Prof. Attahiru Jega, then INEC chairman, had said all along, namely that the governorship election was credible.
In the final analysis, however much an orchestrated media love-in tries to airbrush Amaechl, home is where the proof of the pudding is. For a man who seemed to pride himself on his Machiaveilian instincts, Amaechi fell from grace by not heeding one of Machiavelli’s most important advice in The Prince — that the leader who owes his power to “the favour of the nobles” should, before anything else, try to “win the people over”. Amaechi never did that, and he is discovering that treachery has a price.
Bob, a lawyer, wrote in from Abuja.
Solomon Bob
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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