Opinion
GMB And Old Breed Politics
It has been asserted that
human wants are insatiable. This may apply to the quest to amass wealth and fame in the society irrespective of the consequences thereafter, hence the influx of shylock politicians and leaders in our democratic setting. No wonder a biblical injunction reiterated that the love of money is the root of all evil; which while some coveted after, they have erred from the faith, and pierced themselves through with many sorrow (1Timothy 6:10 (KJV) refers).
Beside death which is a natural phenomenon, old and defacing politicians, ex-presidents and army generals would have continued to hold sway in leadership disregarding saying; “the young shall grow” and “the youths as future leaders of the nation.” At this juncture, one may ask when shall the young grow or become leaders of the nation when the old political breeds keep recycling themselves in the leadership domain. These trends of negative conception have in no small measure retarded meaningful progress and human development of our country, Nigeira, for the past 54 years after independence.
The second military leadership under General Yakubu Gowon with a notable acronym or slogan: ‘Go-On-With-One-Nigeria’ from 1964 to July 1975 was overthrown which brought about the leadership of General Murtala Mohammed who was on the hot seat for only six (6) months i.e. between July 1975 and February 13, 1976, when he was assassinated by some military officers.
The assassination of Murtala Mohammed ushered in General Olusegun Obasanjo from Febrauary 1976 to October1, 1979 when he handed over the leadership to the Second Republic government headed by Alhaji Shehu Aliu Shagari, who piloted the nation’s affairs until mid-December, 1983, when General Mohammadu Buhari with Lt. Gen. Tunde Idiagbon took over the mantle of leadership up to August 27th 1985.
General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida ruled from August 1985 to August 1993. IBB intended to perpetuate himself in power which led to the annulment of the most successful presidential elections conducted on June 12, 1993, which resulted in the establishment of Interim National Government (ING) briefly headed by Chief (Barr) Ernest Shonekan between September and November 17, 1993, when General Sani Abacha hijacked the leadership from Shonekon and ruled up to June 8, 1998 when he died.
Meanwhile a messiah emerged in the person of General Abdulsalami Abubakar who steer the ship from 1998 to 29th May, 1999, when the former Head of State, Chief (General) Matthew Olusegun Obasanjo took over the baton of leadership and became President in the Fourth Republic. OBJ ruled from May 29, 1999, to May 29, 2007.
However, OBJ’s third tenure bid was aborted as Nigerians voted in Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in 2007 as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (FGN) who later died in June 5, 2010 which paved the way for Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan who had acted in the capacity of Vice-President, Acting President and incumbent President of this great nation after the demise of his predecessor.
Before President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan came to the apex of leadership, it was a tug of war, especially when he declared his intention for the presidential race. As if it was a dream, former Head of State, General Badamosi Babangida who had bluntly and arrogantly refused to apologise to Nigerians for the annulment of 1993 June 12 Presidential election, all the time suddenly thought it wise to make a belated apology after 17 years of disdainful negligence because he had nursed the ambition to contest for the 2011 presidential election for the simple fact that a candidate from the Niger Delta region had emerged for the No. 1 seat of the nation.
IBB was criticised for his ambition so he could not make a headway in the political arena any longer. In the same vien, former Vice-President, Alhaji Abubakar Atiku during OBJ’s regime also contested with the incumbent President and failed flat even in his home-Adamawa State- where Goodluck Ebele Jonahtna gathered all the chickens under his wings.
Similarly, in the forthcoming 2015 general elections, another former Head of State, General Mohammadu Buhari is also aiming at becoming President of this fast growing nation under the All Progressives Congress (alias APC) not being mindful of his age.
From the foregoing analysis one may wish to congratulate and salute the integrity of General Yakubu Gowon, Alhaji Shehu Aliu Shagari, Chief Ernest Shonekan, General Olusegun Obasanjo and General Abdulsalami Abubakar who recognised and acknowledged their noble role and credible contributions for the upliftment and development of this nation- Nigeria. It is true that these crops of ex-leaders remain relevant to this nation until their death.
It is therefore surprising that General Mohammadu Buhari who ought to play advisory role given his wealth of experience in leadership has decided to take the place reserved for our younger politicians. I liken Buhari’s decision to contest to the Bible passage that says: “The days of our years are three-score years and ten (70) years, and if by reason of strength they be four-score (80) years, yet is their strength labour and sorrow, for it is soon cut off, and we fly away” (KJV). This passage is apt for GMB.
In fact, GMB and his co-horts are exploring every effort to distort the dream of transformation agenda of the President muted by Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. I see GMB as a fuel of himself. He should begin to count his teeth with his tongue. Remember when the heat was on IBB in 1993, he stepped aside to allow the younger generation to grow.
The political aspirations of our old breed politicians should give way to the energetic and young promising new breeds in order to move this country to greater height. General Mohammadu Buhari (GMB) and his co-horts should constitute themselves as elder’s statesmen and advise the new breed politicians. Politics of antagonism, bitterness and geocentricism should be discarded and put in the abyss of political asylum.
Ominyanwa is a public affairs analyst.
Goddy Ominyanwa
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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