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Endorsing Of Election Candidates: How Proper?

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Comrade James Anyanwu – Public Servant
In my own opinion, they are free to openly endorse any candidate of their choice. My reasons being that firstly, they are our leaders, we look up to them as our leaders and they  most of us. For instance if you are my pastor, you know me very well, you know what I can do. That’s why in the church you see the bishop or Pastors assigning some positions of responsibilities to some people in the church because they who can fit into any position and do better for the growth of the church.
Likewise in the society a royal father in a local government knows most of the people whether wealthy or poor. He knows what this man can do in the community. So, if the royal fathers say a particular person is fit to occupy any position which people have been crying to see a better person to occupy. He does that because he knows the person in question. He knows his character and what he can do for the society or for the local government. That is why I say they are very free to endorse any election candidate they know can perform.
If two members of a particular church are vying for the same position, the man of God there knows the best among them. If that will bring problem in the church, he can come in as a mediator and tell the congregation that “this is the person I want,” with reasons to convince the congregation. The Bible says, they will give account of us before God. They know every one of us despite the fact that the heart is deceitful some times. But the pastor is in a position to identify who is who in the church and if he appoints the wrong person, it will affect him also in the church. Likewise in the society. If they make a mistake and support a criminal who is pretending to be a good person, may be because he is using money to influence people in the society, tomorrow that person’s leadership is going to affect the pastor, the traditional ruler and the community also. So that’s why every one of them has to put his eyes down and know the right persons to endorse. If a royal father feels strongly about a particular candidate, irrespective of the number of candidates coming out from his community, let him make it open to the society, that “this is the person I am endorsing and I want people to endorse him with me”.
No doubt his choice might not be the choice of every other person, but because his the royal father representing that community, I believe his choice may not be the choice of the people. This will not cause any crisis in the community except for those who want to forment crisis. Let me us the Benin Kingdom as an example. The kingdom is ruled by Oba. If the Oba raises his voice to say “this is my candidate” nobody in the whole Edo State changes it because they are under the Oba.
Yes I agree that the pastors and royal fathers are supposed to be neutral but they can endorse candidates and yet be neutral.

Chief Gbebee Jolly Traditional ruler
No! No! Please. Traditional ruler and religious leaders should be neutral. They should have nothing to do with the emergence of any candidate. Let us keep off from politics. Politics is a game wrong various players which does not involve us. We have to settle issues between the candidates should they arise so we don’t have to be biased. Traditional rulers should be as neutral as possible so that if there is any problem between the candidates we will be very objectives in resolving the matter and advise them properly.
So, traditional rulers should keep off from politics completely so that we can be in a position to advice them when they go wrong.

Stella Abbam – Business Woman
In my own view, traditional rulers and religious leaders are not supposed to openly identify with any election candidate. All the candidates are their subjects, children or whatever, so they should support all of them. If I am a candidate contesting for any elective position and my traditional ruler or pastor publicly declares his support for my fellow contestant or opponent in the same community or church, I will feel bad.
They are not supposed to be partial. They are supposed to stay aside and not to tell the people “please vote this person or that person”. Everybody should be free to make his or her own choice. So our traditional rulers and religious leaders should stay out of politics. They should rather play advisory roles so that the elections will be free and fair devoid of rancour and acrimony.

Chief Monday Wehere – Newspaper Publisher
You cannot remove that from the polity of Nigeria because the power of the governor is so enormous. The power of the president is so enormous. The governor will determine who becomes a first class chief. There are no longer traditional institutions being recognised by the people. Assuming the traditional institution is just on its own, being recognised by the people, it does, the ruler does not get money from the government, or even if it does not need to appeal, it would have been different. The system is so bad that some traditional rulers, before they can even get their allocation from government, they need to be loyal. They need to be loyal before they can even get recognition. So many stools are overdue for recognition, they are not being recognised because they are not loyal to the governor, so what do you expect them to do?
Assuming the system is made in such a way that the people will say, we make a representation to the government, recognise this stool and the government does it, you will find out that the traditional rulers will go back to the people and believe in the people more. But as it is now, the traditional ruler does not even need his people, all he needs is the governor. Once the governor recognises him, the people will follow him.
So, for the fact that traditional rulers depend on the system for survival, they have to support the system. So they have to be endorsing so that they can continue to eat otherwise they will die of hunger. It is not so in South Africa.
You can hardly see a South African traditional ruler  come and say he is supporting a president, no. While the white people where there, they arranged it in such a neat way. But in the Nigerian system, sorry if you don’t endorse any candidate if he wins you are black listed. So it is the forces. It is not their fault.
The case is even  worse with religious leaders. The problem of the society today is a reflection of what is happening in the churches. Religion has the power to stop all violence, all criminalities in the world but they are not doing what they are supposed to do.  When a governor is elected, you will see him patronizing a particular church, giving them millions of naira, making them rich while others are there. So what do they do? They also do the same thing that traditional rulers are doing, otherwise one day, government can even come and revoke your c of . So until the power of the Governor is broken down to just mainly infrastructural development then there will be no problem. But now the power of the governor is very enormous. If you want to go to Jerusalem the government must approve. This is  completely wrong. That should have been the work of Christian elders like the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN).
So unless we really design the government that suits us, thing are not likely to change. The problem we are having now is that we are using a wrong government. We are following America’s system of government. We need to evolve our own system of government that will bring out our best. We need to really overhaul the system. The system of government we are using now does not favour us. When we repair that then it will be easy to repair the rest.

Anonymous – Politician
I think we have to look at the issue from two angles. Firstly, Nigerian politicians are very wise. We know that Nigerians are very religious people who take any message coming from the pulpit hook, line and sinker. Nigeria believe so much in their leaders. So the politicians are just cashing in on that to woo the electorates, knowing that if he is presented as the God’s anointed by a man of God the people will believe, accept and follow him.
Again I think politicians always do not go to religious leaders and traditional rulers mainly for endorsement. Sometime they seek their blessings. Some of us believe that one should seek God’s blessing before embarking on any venture. So that’s what some candidates intend doing by approaching the traditional rulers and religious leaders and I don’t see anything wrong with that.

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Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

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Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”
Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.
Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.
The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.
One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.
In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.
Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.
Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.
Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.
Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.
The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.
On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.
In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.
IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.
By:  Ivara Favour Isaac
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Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

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Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”
In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.
They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.
 However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.
History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.
 For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”
 Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it.  Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough
. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Bazia  EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

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Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”
The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.
Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’  welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.
Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.
 Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.
While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.
Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.
For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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