Opinion

2015: Whose Turn For Brick House?

Published

12 years ago

April 7, 2014

The question anybody reading this narrative might ask is:
“It is whose turnto do what?” The majority response in Rivers State of Nigeria is: It is the turn of the Greater Kalabari Kingdom of the Ijaw Tribe in the Riverine Part of the State to produce the next Executive Governor of Rivers State in the 2015 gubernatorial election.
In the remainder of this discussion, I will present the data and make the argument for the above strong. response, but a few words on our rich ethnic diversity that drives politics in the State is in order.
The six Major Ethnic kingdoms of Rivers State alphabetically are Andoni, Ibani, Ikwerre, Kalabari, Ogoni, and Okrika. From inception, the state has been divided into the riverine and upland region the major ethnic kingdoms of the riverine region are Andoni, Ibani,Kalabari and Okrika while those of the upland regions are, Ikwerre, and Ogoni kingdoms. These constitute the elephants in the room of this discussion, without ignoring all the minor ethnic kingdoms of the state like Ekpeye, Etche, Abua, Engenni, Eleme, Ogba, Nkoro, and Bille to mention but a few.
The genesis of the major ethnic kingdoms of Rivers State taking turns to produce the Executive Governor of the state was the desire for peace in our very ethnically diverse state. This. quest for peace and tranquility was first discussed and implemented in 1979 by the now defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN) under the leadership of former Governor, late Chief Melford Okilo. Then in 1998-1999 during the inception of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State, the party leadership decided to adopt the same political principles of rotating governorship among the major ethnic kingdoms of the State and senators among the major and minor Ethnic kingdoms that constitute the 7-8 local government areas of each senatorial districts for the same reasons. This was divulged to this writer by the former state party chairman, late Dr. Marshall Harry in December 2001 during a courtesy call at his hotel in Obuama, Degema Local Government Area.
Some may think Rivers State is now in the post-ethnic and tribal neutral times, why drum up these issues again? In reality, a careful review of the recent developmental constructs operationalized in the state. Totally ignored development of the state water-fronts and supports this riverine-upland dynamics. Rivers state is the most ethnically diverse state in Nigeria. The sooner we recognise, embrace, and celebrate our cultural diversity the stronger and unified this state will become. To try to ignore it and only bring it up when it serves our political strategic purpose, will sow the seeds of discord, neglect, and marginalisation in the minds of many ethnicities. If these statements do not still satisfy the skeptics, I will pose the following questions in all levels of our governments to make my point:
*The political regions of Nigeria, how are they partitioned? .. by ethnic borders.
*The local government areas, how were they created? .. for equitable Ethnic representation.
*The National and State Assembly Districts, how were they drawn? .. for equitable ethnic representation also.
*When political appointments are made at the state and federal levels, do we not try to find out if somebody from our ethnicity was included? let’s be honest.
*After the last election, a major organization that serves the interest of the Ikwere kingdom made the argument in a national daily that nobody from their kingdom had ever been appointed a Federal Minister. His Excellency President Goodluck Jonathan responded by appointing one in his current administration (Hon. Nyesom Wike) to their deserve.
This author is trying to unite Rivers State by making sure our ethnic diversity that drive our politics is never politically exploited again to divide us but should be respected and celebrated for the unity of the state.
Coming back to the bone of contention, the common feeling of the greater Kalabari people since the creation of Rivers State in 1967 is that nobody from the kingdom has occupied the office of the Executive Governor of the State. The attempt here is not to cast blame, for there are plenty of them to go around, some of which could have been self-inflicted. The goal now is for all the major and minor ethnic kingdoms of the state to support the election of a Kalabari consensus candidate to become the next Executive Governor of Rivers state and they will in return support other major ethnicities like the Ogoni Kingdom to have their turn.
We must not forget in one of the previous political regimes of Nigeria, Chief Rufus Ada George, from the Okrika kingdom was elected Executive Governor and Dr. Peter Odili was his Deputy Governor.
In the present political dispensation, who fills the top two executive arm positions – The Executive Governor of Rivers State and the Deputy Governor- matters
The occupants of these offices from 1999-2007 were: Executive Governor, Dr Peter Odili (Upland Region) and Deputy Governor, Dr. Gabriel Tobi (lbani kingdom of riverine region).
From 2008 the occupants are Executive Governor, Rt. Hon Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi (lkwerre Kingdom of the upland region) and Deputy Governor, Engr Tele Ikuru (Andoni Kingdom of the riverine region).
A careful review of the above evidence supports the argument of the greater Kalabari Kingdom that in spite of their majority and contribution to the development of the state, they have been systematically denied the executive governorship and must not be deprived of the position in the next gubernatorial election. The other fact is, we as a people, have never occupied this executive post in the history of the state.
Consequently, this author calls on all greater Kalabari people first to unite, close ranks, bury their differences wake up from their complacency and work on two goals in the 2015 polls:
*To elect a consensus Kalabari candidate as the next Executive Governor of Rivers State.
·*Re-elect President Goodluck Jonathan to a second term at the national level.
The rallying “Town-Cry” for this endeavor will be a popular song by the great Kalabari son, late Rex Jim Lawson “Enebatea Kalabari Oweni Saki, translated,” The day is dawn Kalabari people, it is time to wake up”.
The project is: “The election of a Kalabari consensus candidate as the next Executive Governor of Rivers State.”
Second, we will later work together again to elect an indigene of the greater Ogoni Kingdom to follow the Kalabari ascension to the governorship, since the sons of Ibani and Andoni kingdoms just occupied the office of the Executive Deputy Governor in the Odili and Amaechi administrations respectively in the current political dispensation. The greater Okrika Kingdom should follow the greater Ogoni Kingdom ascension since former Governor Ada George’s tenure of the executive office was shortlived but was a genuine occupation of “Brick House” that produced results, put the State in the right direction we are still following today, and the last two governors were part of that administration.
The above proposed orderly and peaceful political transition in a state of ethnic diversity like ours is deserving of a broader calculus to involve more of this state’s citizenry .This author will also suggest “A Rivers People’s Constituent Conference” in the next administration akin to the current National Conference in Abuja for the state to try to work out the details of our rotational governorship and other politically appointed positions to avoid what political scientists will christen,”tyranny of the majority.”
We can do it Rivers people and the ball is in our court. Let us not allow anybody with political ambition and greed divide us in our goal of ethnic and cultural unity in Rivers State. The kalabari people must come together now more than ever before to seize this bull by the horn, and show the rest of the state that they are deserving of this honor to serve.
Prof Amonye-Obu writes from New York, United States.

Fons Amonye-Obu

Opinion

Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising

Published

11 hours ago

December 8, 2025

The Tide

The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.

Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.

The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.

It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.

Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.

On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.

It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.

*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.

In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.

Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.

One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.

Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.

The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.

The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.

Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.

The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.

The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.

Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.

If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?

As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.

Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.

Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.

Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.

We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.

The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.

It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.

No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.

By; King Onunwor

Opinion

Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform

Published

2 weeks ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”But beyond the courtroom victory lies a pressing question: What next? How do we ensure that Nigerian universities no longer serve as hunting grounds for predatory academics? How do we guarantee that students—especially young women—can pursue education without fear of victimization?”

The conviction of Professor Cyril Ndifon, suspended Dean of Law at the University of Calabar, to five years in prison by the Federal High Court Abuja, provided a rare moment of relief amid the week’s troubling national events. Beyond punishing one individual, the judgment signaled that accountability—especially regarding sexual harassment and abuse of power in Nigerian higher institutions—may finally be gaining traction. For years, many students, especially young women, have quietly endured intimidation, coercion, and the misuse of academic privilege. Reports and surveys have consistently shown the depth of this problem. A 2018 World Bank survey estimated that 70% of female graduates had faced some form of sexual harassment in school, while a Nigerian study recorded sexual violence as the most common form of gender-based violence on campuses.

Ndifon’s case has therefore become symbolic—challenging the belief that powerful academics can act with impunity. Justice James Omotosho’s ruling went beyond the conviction; it exposed the systemic rot that enables abuse. His description of Ndifon as a predator highlighted how institutions fail when they lack strong, independent structures for accountability. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) proved its case beyond reasonable doubt, many similar cases never reach court because victims remain afraid, discouraged, or convinced that the system will not protect them. A major difference in this case was that a government agency fulfilled its responsibility rather than letting the matter fade, as often happens with campus scandals. Too often, allegations arise but internal committees stall, victims lose hope, and the accused quietly escape consequences.

This time, however, the judiciary refused to allow such evasion. The court’s decision to center the victims and dismiss attempts to discredit them set an important precedent at a time when survivors are often blamed or pressured into silence. Yet the bigger question remains: What next? How can Nigerian universities become safe spaces where students, particularly young women, can pursue education without fear? First, reporting systems must be overhauled. Traditional structures—where complaints pass through heads of departments or deans—are inadequate, especially when senior officers are the accused. Independent, gender-sensitive complaint bodies are essential. Some institutions, such as the University of Ibadan and Godfrey Okoye University, have already taken steps by establishing gender-mainstreaming units. Other universities must follow suit, ensuring confidentiality, protection from backlash, and transparent investigations.

Second, proven cases of harassment must attract real consequences—not quiet transfers or administrative warnings. Sexual exploitation is not a mere disciplinary issue; it is a crime and should be promptly escalated to law-enforcement agencies. Treating criminal behaviour as an internal matter only emboldens perpetrators. Third, students must feel safe to speak up. As a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja advised, silence fuels impunity. Students need to believe that justice is attainable and that they will be supported. This requires consistent sensitization efforts by student unions, civil society groups, gender advocacy organizations, and ministries of women affairs. New students, in particular, need early guidance to understand their rights and available support systems. The recent approval of the Sexual Harassment of Students (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill, 2025, prescribing up to 14 years imprisonment for educators convicted of harassment, is a step in the right direction.

Quick presidential assent and domestication by states will strengthen legal protection. As Nelson Mandela said, “A society that fails to protect its women cannot claim to be civilized.” This principle must guide Nigeria’s legislative and institutional reforms. The legal profession has its own soul-searching to do. Law faculties are expected to model ethics and justice. When a senior law academic betrays these values, the damage extends beyond the victims—it undermines confidence in both higher education and the justice system. The judiciary’s firm stance in this case therefore reinforces the idea that the law exists to protect the vulnerable, not shield the powerful. Yet, this moment should not end with celebration alone; it must ignite a broader institutional awakening. Universities must begin to review their staff appraisal systems to include behavioural ethics, not just academic output.

Governing councils should strengthen oversight mechanisms and ensure that disciplinary processes are free from internal politics. Alumni associations and parents’ forums can also play a monitoring role, demanding higher standards of conduct from staff and administrators. Importantly, the government must provide universities with the financial and technical support needed to establish functional gender desks, counselling units, and digital reporting platforms. Only when all stakeholders take ownership of the problem can lasting reform be achieved. Professor Ndifon’s sentencing represents justice for one victim, but it must inspire justice for many more. It should mark the beginning of a nationwide resolve to reclaim Nigerian universities from those who misuse authority. The future of education in this country must be shaped by knowledge, dignity, and integrity—not fear or manipulation. The judgment is a call to action: to build campuses where students are safe, where lecturers are held accountable, and where power is exercised with responsibility. Only then can Nigeria truly claim to be nurturing the leaders of tomorrow.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm

Published

2 weeks ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.”

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed an alarming evolution of insecurity that threatens not only the stability of the nation but also the broader West African region. Bandit attacks on schools, farms, mosques, and Christian worship centers have become distressingly commonplace, painting a grim picture of a country under siege from multiple fronts. The rise of kidnappings for ransom, coupled with the persistent threat of terrorism from groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, has ignited fears among communities and hampered economic activities. As neighboring Sahel countries grapple with coups and the spread of extremist ideologies, Nigeria finds itself at a precarious crossroads that demands urgent attention and action.

According to media tally, about 2,496 students have been abducted in 92 school attacks since the Chibok saga of 2014. And prompted by recent incidents in Kwara, Kebbi and Niger states, where hundreds of pupils were abducted, state governments across northern Nigeria are shutting down, or relocating schools. Even the federal government last week, via the Federal Ministry of Education hastily ordered principals of 41 unity schools across northern Nigeria, to shut-down.The increasing frequency and audacity of bandit attacks highlight a troubling trend in Nigeria’s security landscape. Schools, once seen as sanctuaries for learning, have become targets for kidnappers seeking to exploit vulnerable students. These attacks not only disrupt education but also instill fear in families, leading to mass withdrawals from schools. Should we raise a generation of children deprived of their right to education?

Similarly, farms and places of worship have not been spared. Communities that once thrived on agriculture and faith, now live in constant dread of violent incursions. The targeted killings of Christians and attacks on mosques further exacerbate religious tensions, threatening to disrupt the social fabric that holds Nigeria together.The situation is compounded by the unsettling developments in the Sahel region, where coups and the rise of jihadist groups have created a volatile environment. The spillover effects of this instability are palpable in Nigeria, as extremist ideologies proliferate and armed groups gain confidence. The porous borders of the region facilitate the movement of militants and weapons, making it increasingly difficult for Nigerian authorities to contain the threats. As Nigeria struggles to secure its territory, the consequences of failure become more pronounced, with the potential for a broader regional crisis looming on the horizon.

President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.

While such attention can bring much-needed awareness to the plight of affected communities, it also underscores a significant truth: the responsibility for addressing these challenges ultimately lies with the Nigerian government. The inaction and apparent inability to protect citizens from violence and ensure justice for victims send a troubling message about the state’s commitment to safeguarding its populace. The economic ramifications of this evolving insecurity are dire. Foreign investment, a critical driver of economic growth, is deterred by the pervasive violence and instability.

Investors are wary of committing resources to a country where the risk of loss is heightened by kidnappings and attacks on businesses.Additionally, agricultural production suffers as farmers abandon their lands, fearing for their safety. The recent upsurge in insecurity coincides with a crucial harvest season, when farmers need to recoup investment to finance the next round. A decline in harvests this year would reverse recent gains of recovery in food production and exacerbate poverty, further straining the nation’s resources. Socially, the implications of failing to tackle insecurity are profound. Mistrust in government institutions grows as citizens witness a lack of effective response to violence and crime. This erosion of faith can lead to civil unrests, as frustrated populations demand accountability and action.

Moreover, the vulnerability of young people in conflict-affected areas increases the risk of radicalization, as they seek identity and purpose in extremist movements that exploit their disillusionment. The South-East crisis is peculiar in this regard. The evolving insecurity in Nigeria is not merely a national crisis; it poses a significant threat to regional stability and international interests. The convergence of banditry, terrorism, and political instability in the Sahel creates a complex security environment that requires a coordinated response. The Nigerian government, in partnership with regional allies and international partners, must adopt a comprehensive strategy that addresses the root causes of insecurity, strengthens law enforcement, and fosters community resilience.

It’s time Nigerians address all regional grievances with reconciliation and empathy, rather than with coercion. As citizens, civil society, and international stakeholders, it is crucial to advocate for effective policies that prioritize security, justice, development and inclusiveness. A collective effort is needed to ensure a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region. Ultimately, Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The path forward demands decisive action to restore security, rebuild trust, and ensure that all citizens can live without fear. The time for complacency has passed; the stakes are too high, and the consequences of inaction are too grave. A collective effort is essential to navigate this challenging landscape and forge a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region.

By: Joseph Nwankwor