Opinion
Problem Of Political Corruption
Etimologically, the word ‘corruption’ is derived from the
Latin word “corruptus” which means ‘to break’ or ‘destroy, or “the breaking of normal or social norms or practices”. The World Bank defines corruption as “the abuse of public office for private gains. Public office is abused for private gain when an official accepts, solicits or extorts a bribe. It is also abused when private agents offer bribes to circumvent public policies and processes for competitive advantage and profit. Public office can also be abused for personal benefit even if no bribery occurs through patronage, nepotism, the theft of state assets or the diversion of state revenue”.
Another scholar, Nye, points out that corruption is “the behaviour which deviates from the formal duties of a public role (elective or appointive) because of private gain regarding personal, close family, private clique) wealth or status gains; or violates rule against the exercising of certain private issues regarding influence”.
The Transparency International simply sees corruptions as “the dishonest, or preferential use of power or position which has the result of one person or organization being advantaged over another” while the Vision 2010 committee (1997) essentially termed corruption to be “all those improper actions or transactions aimed at changing the moral course of events, judgement and position of trust”. However, section 2 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act, 2000 (Nigeria) sees corruption ·to include, “bribery, fraud and other related offences”.
From the foregoing, one can deduce that corruption is that which is morally unacceptable; an act intentionally meant to place one or an organisation at an advantaged position over others in a system. It is essentially an act that perverts the social norms, laws and moral ethos of a given society.
Based on the above, it is obvious that the monster of corruption pervades every stratum of Nigerian society. It reveals itself as bribery, tri balism, nepotism, electoral fraud, embezzlement,’ kick-back or ten percent!, money laundering and fraud (419), examination malpractice, child abuse, child trafficking, patronage, graft, extortion, tax extortion, tax evasion, perversion of justice among the police, the judiciary etc, and falsification of certificates, just to mention but these corruption in Nigeria is akin to a public-liability company, which one may call “Corruption lnc.,” operated by the ruling class and the comprador bourgeoisie. It is a prosperous company where most Nigerians own shares that yield appreciable dividends. In fact, corruption in Nigeria takes various forms in which only a specialist in the subject can adequately explain.
However, for the purpose of our discourse, we will dwell on political corruption. According to Adeleye, political corruption “is ‘corruptocracy’, a government of the corrupt by the corrupt and for the corrupt. And in that kind of government, there are no rules because anything goes”.
Aiyede defines political corruption as “the abuse of public or governmental power for illegitimate private advantage”. Gyekye conceptualises political corruption as “the illegal, unethical and unauthorised exploitation of one’s political or official position for personal gain or advantage. Political corruption is thus an act of corruption perpetrated against a state or its agencies by a person holding an official position in pursuit of his or her own private profit”.
For Upset and Lenz, political corruption, “is an effort to secure wealth or power through illegal means for private benefit at public expense”. Political corruption, simply put, is the use of legislative power by politicians or decision makers i.e. government officials for illegitimate private gain. This entails the use of civil servants or bureaucracy to misuse ‘and abuse governmental power that exists in a state for other purposes. It also involves an illegal act by an office holder which is directly related to their official duties. So, political corruption and corruption will be used interchangeably.
From the 1980s and 1990s, the concept sustainable development started to gain currency in the international circle so as to suit contemporary realities and aspirations. The World Commission on Environment and Development, (WCED), in 1987 defines sustainable development as “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of the future generation to meet their own needs”.
Adeyemo perceptibly says that sustainable development basically deals with present and future needs in the process of resource exploitation in addition to environmental protection. Koroma and Bwala believe that the concept of sustainable development is geared towards ‘the proper management of national and human resources, the environment, energy, waste, transportation, and development based on pattern of production on and consumption that can be pursued into the future without degrading the human or natural environment.
Fundamental to the above conceptualisation of sustainable development is what Okowa describes as the achievement of tripod of empowerment that is, economic empowerment, political empowerment and social empowerment. This tripod of empowerment is the ultimate objective of the United Nation’s Millennium Development Goals and Targets.
On the attainment of independence on 1st October, 1960, hopes and aspirations were high in the country. At least, Nigerians were to pilot their own affairs. They were to use their God-given resources to better their lots. In any cases, the new Nigerian leaders were to redeem their pledges made to Nigerians to put an end to capitalist exploitation, dehumanization, degradation, unemployment, the non-guarantee of basic freedom and liberty, and the maintenance of egalitarian principles and sustainable development.
What have Nigerians got then from their leaders since independence was achieved? Did Nigerian leaders fulfill the aspirations and expectations of the masses? Have the poor Nigerians, who are in the majority, benefited from Nigerian leaders since independence? The answers to the posers listed above are emphatic, no.
Nigerian masses have now become a metaphorical representation of a woman that was consistently raped, and was crying for help, behold a helper came and elbowed out the rapist but continued the action from where the rapist stopped. Interestingly, history, which is benevolent and generous to a fault, has it that the track record of Nigeria from 1960 has been the accounts of misappropriation of funds, embezzlement or looting of treasury, and “settlements” through grafts and contracts as well as jumbo or fabulous emoluments for law makers, among others.
Samuel resides in Port Harcourt.
N-ue Uebari Samuel
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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