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Nigeria: What Colour Of Opposition?
In 1959, before Nigeria’s Independence from Britain, three political parties dominated the political terrain, preparatory to the proper handover date.
They were: the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) under the leadership of late Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) led by late Ahmadu Bello and the Action Group controlled by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo.
As their leadership structures clearly indicated these parties were ethnically inclined to the East, North and West, respectively, just as 17 other parties that emerged within the first republic (1960 – 1966). They include: Borno Youth Movement (BYM), Igale Union (IU), Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), Zamfara Commoners Party (ZCP) and Lagos State United Front (LSUF), among others.
As ethnic/regional parties they could not muster the necessary majority support base to clinch an outright victory during the election except for a temporary fusion between the NPC and the NCNC that lasted for a short while.
Nevertheless, the dominance by both aforementioned parties naturally pitched others against them with Awolowo as leader of the opposition even as their angst and nadir were ethnically oriented.
The story was not different during the second republic (1979 – 1983) when seven political parties stood out to contest the various political positions in the country.
It was a relatively open and democratic environment of the second republic that witnessed the emergence of new political parties such as the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP), Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNPP) and Peoples Redemption Party (PRP). They were merely incarnates of the NPC, AG, NCNC and NEPU.
While the NPN controlled the North, the UPN dominated in the West, including old Bendel and Kwara States, and the NPP held sway in the East. Without doubt, it was an indication that despite the emergence of new political parties, they were still characterised by the interplay of primordial political loyalties and forces. Again, it was natural that while the NPN controlled the federal government other political parties, devolved into opposition though from very weak frontiers. So weak were they that the ruling party even, if myopic, dictated what true governance was. Invariably, that became a veritable platform for the party to continue in power for as long as it could, despite agitations of corruption permeating the fabrics of the society. Yet, besides dominating in their respective native regions the much the opposition political parties could do was to look on until the 1983 coup d’etat that shoved Alhaji Shehu Shagari aside for General Muhammadu Buhari to take over the mantle of leadership. It was closely followed by another coup in August 1985 that brought General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida to power.
With Babangida’s “a little to the left and a little to the right” Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC), his long tenure could not organise a successful election even as he made the entire world believe that his imposed parties were intended to discard with the primordial ethnic sentiments associated with our political parties and the opposition. But despite these lapses Nigerians tolerated IBB Jaunta’s antithesis to natural evolution of political parties to look forward to a vibrant election which nonetheless became a fluke and turned out to be known in Nigeria’s political history as ‘abortive third republic’. Even so, opposition inevitably mounted against the novel tactics that would line everybody behind two self-imposed parties. Unfortunately they could not voice out their anger or muster enough courage to confront the military. However, the full strength of the opposition manifested after the long military rigmarole between IBB who was prevailed upon to step aside and General Sani Abachi who displaced the Interim National Government (ING) of Chief Ernest Shonekan. Of the seven political parties that contended or seemed to oppose the Abacha administration’s make-belief new political dispensation, the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) was a gadfly and notable opposition that rattled the Abacha Junta to a standstill. Others were: Committee for National Consensus (CNC) Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN), Justice Party (JP), National Centre Party of Nigeria (NCPN), Grassroots Democratic Movement (GDM) and United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP).
Unfortunately, what became of these parties under Sani Abacha is now the dark history of Nigeria’s political past.
On May 29, 1999 General Abdulsalami Abubakar midwifed the election that heralded the fourth republic which made the former military leader Olusegun Obasanjo the new president. Suffice it to say that out of the 29 registered political parties, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) stood and still stands out, dominates the political clime and rules the country till date with little or no impressive opposition save at the regional levels where the Alliance for Democracy (AD), Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) enjoy ethnic support base.
That is to say the history of Nigeria’s Political dispensation is replete with weak opposition that over the years could not engender any positive change. Coupled with rampant corruption, nepotism, insincerity, and ethnic bias, the political class had been overwhelmed by elements bereft of viable political ideology to anchor the nations’ political future and offer a desired constructive opposition.
In fact many believe that Nigeria at best can boast of compromised opposition parties who for material benefit have long abandoned their traditional role as peoples watchdog, ensuring checks and balances on the ruling government and resorted to scouting for pecks of office.
That also explains why in Nigeria individuals that constitute the opposition view it as an opportunity to warm themselves into the heart of the ruling party for recognition. Indeed Nigeria’s opposition parties seem to have no plans, no programmes, no value added and lack credibility to challenge unpopular government policies.
Presently they constitute over 40 mushroom political contraptions with the sole aim of receiving grants from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Like seasonal preys, they hibernate after major elections only to reappear and heat the polity during elections.
It goes without saying, therefore, that bankruptcy in ideology and vision reduced party politics in Nigeria to bread and butter game. Monetisation of the political process has become the bedrock of loyalty and support, a situation that erodes the objective of the democratic process anchored on supremacy of popular will.
Even when members of the political class in realiSation of their lame-duck approach to opposition initiated the Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP), Nigerians welcomed the move as the most robust in the nation’s history of political opposition devoid of ethnic, elitist and parochial sentiments. But that was not to be. Allegations mounted that some CNPP leaders compromised their positions for material benefits in form of physical cash or juicy appointments from the ruling parties in their states.
Unlike the first and second republics when ethnicity dictated the actions of the AG and UPN opposition, the present democracy, though better in ethnic orientation has suffered severe degradation owing to inability of the political clas to adhere to the rules of the game. Apart from the ACN with some remarkable efforts, genuine opposition seems to be missing in action in Nigeria.
Apparently, the tragedy of the opposition in Nigeria presently is that there is no difference in party ideology and structure between the PDP and the so-called opposition. By all intent and purposes they are the same and therefore considered as really not having much to offer.
The opposition parties should cease to bemoan their fate and blaming their dismal electoral outing and concentrate on being resourceful and proactive in strategic politicking.
It is instructive to note that inordinate ambition remains the greatest threat to the success of the opposition parties in Nigeria, for instance, the alliance between the AG and UPGA in the first republic was designed to realise the presidential ambition of late Chief Awolowo who was leader of the opposition under the parliamentary system of the first republic. The same was true of the PPA configured to actualise Chief Awolowo’s unrealised presidential ambition in the second republic. And, as if following the trend the political summit spearheaded by the ANPP in 2007 was to realise the presidential ambition of Muhammadu Buhari, a major opposition leader, but it clashed with the presidential ambition of Vice President Atiku Abubakar who left PDP to contest under the newly formed Action Congress. Of course, their clash of interest doomed their ambition and neutralised the strength of the opposition.
Also imperative is the fact that Nigerian political class should endeavour to grow beyond shoddy orientation and pedestral values, and acknowledge that political parties bear the peoples identity whether in opposition or not. Until they come to that realisation our political system would always churn out leadership based on faulty premises and opposition dictated by materialism rather than personal conviction.
Valentine Ugboma
A group of Eminent persons from the Niger Delta region under the aegis of The Niger Delta Watch Dog has warned the Federal Government against yielding to the call to decentralize pipeline surveillance in the region.
The Eminent persons who said this in a press release made available to newsmen in Port Harcourt said those calling for decentralization of pipeline surveillance are ignorant of the dangers it poses to the peace and stability of the Niger Delta.
.They argued that the proposal poses significant risk to the peace security and economic stability of the region.
According to the release” While decentralization is often perceived as a means of promoting inclusivity and local participation, in this specific context it poses significant risks to peace, security, and economic stability.
It further said”evidence from community dynamics across the region suggests that decentralization will cause more harm than good, leading to increased conflict, fragmentation of authority, and heightened threats to critical national infrastructure.
“By contrast, the centralized model currently implemented by Tantita Security Services under the leadership of Government Ekpemupolo Tompolo has demonstrated measurable success in stabilizing the region, reducing conflict, and safeguarding Nigeria’s economic lifelines”
While describing the Niger Delta region as the backbone of Nigeria oil and gas, it added that any changes in policy will lead to crisis in the region.
“The Niger Delta region remains the backbone of Nigeria’s oil and gas industry, hosting extensive pipeline networks that are vital to national revenue and economic sustainability.
“Given the sensitive nature of this infrastructure, the framework through which pipeline security is managed must prioritize stability, coordination, and conflict prevention.
“Any policy shift particularly toward decentralization must therefore be carefully evaluated in light of the region’s socio-political realities”
It said
The release jointly signed by Chief Idowu Asonja ,Ellington Pokumo the Public Relations officer of the group Comrade Douye kojo Isoun and others,
said decentralization will lead to escalation of Inter-Community land dispute, intensifies rivalry between groups as well as heightens the struggle against Territorial control among others.
“Decentralizing pipeline security will likely intensify existing disputes between neighbouring communities as many communities in the Niger Delta have been involved in conflicts over Land ownership and territorial boundaries as well as Control of natural resources and
“Claims over oil pipelines passing through their territories” adding
“Such instability not only disrupts social harmony but also directly endangers pipeline infrastructure, increasing the risk of vandalism, sabotage, and production losses”
It said the gains recorded so far by the present centralization policy should be preserve as any shifts could wrecked havoc in the region.
“Any policy shift must preserve these hard-earned gains. At this time, decentralization presents a significant risk, while the current system continues to offer stability, security, and economic assurance for the nation.
“It is therefore strongly advised that the Federal Government of Nigeria carefully scrutinize and ultimately disregard calls for the decentralization of pipeline security contracts. “Available evidence and prevailing realities suggest that such calls may not be driven by the broader national interest, but rather by narrow, self-serving agendas that could reignite conflict within the region, this we know the Government does not need” the group said
The Director-General of the Rivers State Investment Promotion Agency (RSIPA), Dr. Chamberlain Peterside, has used the platform of the revived BRACED Commission to unveil investment opportunities and plans in Rivers State.
The BRACED Commission just bounced back and has already held a roundtable in Port Harcourt preparatory to an economic summit in the near future.
The roundtable featured the investment promotion agencies of the cooperating states: Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Edo, and Delta states.
Dr Peterside not only chaired the roundtable but made presentations for Rivers State economic landscape.
He hailed the rebound of the BRACED Commission which did well at the onset. “The governors of the region were one and united for one cause. Then, politics came and everything scattered. The agenda is simple, to integrate the economy of the region into one strong bloc.”
He admitted that Rivers State’s investment promotion agency is very young, plus six months in the limbo of state of emergency. “This thus is a very unique opportunity to get resurgent momentum.”
He listed the achievements of RSIPA in the short period since its establishment, saying it has received numerous investment proposals.
“We’ve engaged actively with the private sector, both those currently operating in the state and those intending to invest. We do realize the fact that investment begins from domestic investors. and you have to guide them.
“Through outreach programmes and establishment of a One-Stop-Center (OSC), we have created a streamlined system for addressing investor needs, supporting their business operations. For the first time in Rivers State, prospective investors and small and medium enterprises now have a centralized hub that can address their challenges and find solutions that enable them to thrive.”
He outlined the plans ahead thus: “One of our cardinal focuses at RSIPA is to enhance the operating climate and improve the ease of doing business.
“We are committed to creating a vibrant and business-friendly environment that attracts and retains investment. We are also working closely with other ministries, departments, and agencies to harmonize our activities.
“Collaboration for us is key; we see Rivers State as a single ecosystem where all stakeholders work together to support investment inflow and build a favorable environment for businesses to flourish.”
For the region, he lamented the situation whereby “the carpet is shifting under our feet. The IOCs (international oil corporations) have moved offshore. The issue before us now is how should the region act now. We should target big ticket investment proposals. This is because some proposals will involve other states. There is thus need to collaborate.”
He gave examples of projects that cannot be for one state. “Railway system is not for one state. At the moment, there is no railway line that links Benin to Port Harcourt to Calabar. BRACED can push this agenda.
“There is an oil route from Opobo to Akwa Ibom where Sterling Oil is operating. It’s a route of interest. Governor Sim Fubara wants us to synergise with other states economically. The best time is now because all the governors are now in one political party.”
He called on all the agencies in the BRACED states to sell the idea to their governors.
“Let the governors know that BRACED task is not a competition but as a collaboration. We have the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), the South-South Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture (SSCCIMA), the Niger Delta Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Trade, Mines, and Agriculture (NDCCITMA), etc. This is the ripest time to strike the iron.”
The Director General of the Bayelsa Investment Promotion Agency (BIPA), Mrs. Patience Ranami Abah, also shook the floor when she presented what she termed ‘Closing the Value Capture Gap’.
She showed how the states will win bigger by playing together to present an economic front.
David Franklin, a deputy director, who represented the Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Investment, Abuja, said investment in people is the beginning of prosperity.
“The South-South is the hub of power of Nigeria due to the hydrocarbon industry, blue economy, agriculture, tourism, etc.”
The Director General, BRACED Commission, Amb.Joe Keshi, in his welcome remarks, said the roundtable was themed around synchrosnising investment frontiers in a strategic framework for south-south economic integration.
The roundtable ended with a communique that recommended setting up a monitoring committee, and other organs to drive integration and investment.
Some of the key resolutions in the Communique issued at the end of the two-day symposium included the call for a BRACED Investment Promotion Charter with a harmonized Regional Investment Promotion Framework and a roadmap.
The Communique called for infrastructure alignment, uniform economic reforms, human capital development plan, and a technical oversight group.
The communique urged state governments, investors, and development partners to collaborate in transforming the BRACED states into a beacon of economic dynamism.
The Defence Headquarters has placed troops on nationwide alert ahead of the Easter celebrations, assuring Nigerians of tightened security.
The DHQ also reaffirmed that ongoing support from the United States is strengthening counter-terrorism operations, with a visible impact expected in the coming weeks.
Addressing journalists during the end-of-the-month briefing on Tuesday in Abuja, the Director, Defence Media Operations, Maj Gen Michael Onoja, assured citizens of heightened vigilance by troops during the Easter celebrations.
Onoja said the Armed Forces had already placed personnel on alert nationwide to prevent any security breach during the holiday period.
He added that similar measures were implemented during previous festive seasons, including Christmas and Eid-el-Fitr, and would be sustained.
“We know that festive seasons usually have heightened security activities. The military command gives instructions to ensure all personnel are on alert. This time will not be different,” he said.
He emphasised that security agencies would not relax despite the celebrations, noting that adversaries often attempted to exploit such periods.
“I can assure you that we will always be on alert, particularly at this period of festivities, because we know that the threats expect us to relax.
“But we are not going to relax. Everything will be okay for this Easter,” he added.
Speaking on the ongoing collaboration with the US forces, Onoja said the impact of the collaboration may not be immediately visible due to the nature of military engagements, but expressed confidence that the benefits would become evident in the coming weeks and months.
He said the U.S. support to Nigeria’s operations had been significant, particularly in the areas of intelligence sharing and training, noting that the assistance was being provided on favourable terms to strengthen ongoing counter-threat operations.
According to him, “You are aware that they are bringing intelligence and training support to us, which we need. They are giving that to us on very favourable terms. There are lots of things I cannot say because of confidentiality.”
He added that the intelligence being provided included information on the location of threats and hostile elements, stressing that Nigerian troops would act accordingly.
“All we can say is that these things take time. There is a gestation period when we are conducting military operations.
“You will not see it immediately, but in the next few months or weeks, you will feel the difference in the impact of the assistance that the U.S. is providing,” Onoja stated.
On February 16, 2026, DHQ confirmed the arrival of approximately 100 US military personnel and equipment at Bauchi Airfield.
According to the military high command, the personnel, who are not combat troops, were in Nigeria strictly for technical assistance, training, and advisory roles in counter-terrorism efforts.
However, insecurity has continued to surge in several parts of the country since their deployment, raising concerns about the effectiveness of the collaboration.
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