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Nigeria: What Colour Of Opposition?
In 1959, before Nigeria’s Independence from Britain, three political parties dominated the political terrain, preparatory to the proper handover date.
They were: the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) under the leadership of late Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) led by late Ahmadu Bello and the Action Group controlled by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo.
As their leadership structures clearly indicated these parties were ethnically inclined to the East, North and West, respectively, just as 17 other parties that emerged within the first republic (1960 – 1966). They include: Borno Youth Movement (BYM), Igale Union (IU), Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), Zamfara Commoners Party (ZCP) and Lagos State United Front (LSUF), among others.
As ethnic/regional parties they could not muster the necessary majority support base to clinch an outright victory during the election except for a temporary fusion between the NPC and the NCNC that lasted for a short while.
Nevertheless, the dominance by both aforementioned parties naturally pitched others against them with Awolowo as leader of the opposition even as their angst and nadir were ethnically oriented.
The story was not different during the second republic (1979 – 1983) when seven political parties stood out to contest the various political positions in the country.
It was a relatively open and democratic environment of the second republic that witnessed the emergence of new political parties such as the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP), Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNPP) and Peoples Redemption Party (PRP). They were merely incarnates of the NPC, AG, NCNC and NEPU.
While the NPN controlled the North, the UPN dominated in the West, including old Bendel and Kwara States, and the NPP held sway in the East. Without doubt, it was an indication that despite the emergence of new political parties, they were still characterised by the interplay of primordial political loyalties and forces. Again, it was natural that while the NPN controlled the federal government other political parties, devolved into opposition though from very weak frontiers. So weak were they that the ruling party even, if myopic, dictated what true governance was. Invariably, that became a veritable platform for the party to continue in power for as long as it could, despite agitations of corruption permeating the fabrics of the society. Yet, besides dominating in their respective native regions the much the opposition political parties could do was to look on until the 1983 coup d’etat that shoved Alhaji Shehu Shagari aside for General Muhammadu Buhari to take over the mantle of leadership. It was closely followed by another coup in August 1985 that brought General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida to power.
With Babangida’s “a little to the left and a little to the right” Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC), his long tenure could not organise a successful election even as he made the entire world believe that his imposed parties were intended to discard with the primordial ethnic sentiments associated with our political parties and the opposition. But despite these lapses Nigerians tolerated IBB Jaunta’s antithesis to natural evolution of political parties to look forward to a vibrant election which nonetheless became a fluke and turned out to be known in Nigeria’s political history as ‘abortive third republic’. Even so, opposition inevitably mounted against the novel tactics that would line everybody behind two self-imposed parties. Unfortunately they could not voice out their anger or muster enough courage to confront the military. However, the full strength of the opposition manifested after the long military rigmarole between IBB who was prevailed upon to step aside and General Sani Abachi who displaced the Interim National Government (ING) of Chief Ernest Shonekan. Of the seven political parties that contended or seemed to oppose the Abacha administration’s make-belief new political dispensation, the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) was a gadfly and notable opposition that rattled the Abacha Junta to a standstill. Others were: Committee for National Consensus (CNC) Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN), Justice Party (JP), National Centre Party of Nigeria (NCPN), Grassroots Democratic Movement (GDM) and United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP).
Unfortunately, what became of these parties under Sani Abacha is now the dark history of Nigeria’s political past.
On May 29, 1999 General Abdulsalami Abubakar midwifed the election that heralded the fourth republic which made the former military leader Olusegun Obasanjo the new president. Suffice it to say that out of the 29 registered political parties, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) stood and still stands out, dominates the political clime and rules the country till date with little or no impressive opposition save at the regional levels where the Alliance for Democracy (AD), Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) enjoy ethnic support base.
That is to say the history of Nigeria’s Political dispensation is replete with weak opposition that over the years could not engender any positive change. Coupled with rampant corruption, nepotism, insincerity, and ethnic bias, the political class had been overwhelmed by elements bereft of viable political ideology to anchor the nations’ political future and offer a desired constructive opposition.
In fact many believe that Nigeria at best can boast of compromised opposition parties who for material benefit have long abandoned their traditional role as peoples watchdog, ensuring checks and balances on the ruling government and resorted to scouting for pecks of office.
That also explains why in Nigeria individuals that constitute the opposition view it as an opportunity to warm themselves into the heart of the ruling party for recognition. Indeed Nigeria’s opposition parties seem to have no plans, no programmes, no value added and lack credibility to challenge unpopular government policies.
Presently they constitute over 40 mushroom political contraptions with the sole aim of receiving grants from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Like seasonal preys, they hibernate after major elections only to reappear and heat the polity during elections.
It goes without saying, therefore, that bankruptcy in ideology and vision reduced party politics in Nigeria to bread and butter game. Monetisation of the political process has become the bedrock of loyalty and support, a situation that erodes the objective of the democratic process anchored on supremacy of popular will.
Even when members of the political class in realiSation of their lame-duck approach to opposition initiated the Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP), Nigerians welcomed the move as the most robust in the nation’s history of political opposition devoid of ethnic, elitist and parochial sentiments. But that was not to be. Allegations mounted that some CNPP leaders compromised their positions for material benefits in form of physical cash or juicy appointments from the ruling parties in their states.
Unlike the first and second republics when ethnicity dictated the actions of the AG and UPN opposition, the present democracy, though better in ethnic orientation has suffered severe degradation owing to inability of the political clas to adhere to the rules of the game. Apart from the ACN with some remarkable efforts, genuine opposition seems to be missing in action in Nigeria.
Apparently, the tragedy of the opposition in Nigeria presently is that there is no difference in party ideology and structure between the PDP and the so-called opposition. By all intent and purposes they are the same and therefore considered as really not having much to offer.
The opposition parties should cease to bemoan their fate and blaming their dismal electoral outing and concentrate on being resourceful and proactive in strategic politicking.
It is instructive to note that inordinate ambition remains the greatest threat to the success of the opposition parties in Nigeria, for instance, the alliance between the AG and UPGA in the first republic was designed to realise the presidential ambition of late Chief Awolowo who was leader of the opposition under the parliamentary system of the first republic. The same was true of the PPA configured to actualise Chief Awolowo’s unrealised presidential ambition in the second republic. And, as if following the trend the political summit spearheaded by the ANPP in 2007 was to realise the presidential ambition of Muhammadu Buhari, a major opposition leader, but it clashed with the presidential ambition of Vice President Atiku Abubakar who left PDP to contest under the newly formed Action Congress. Of course, their clash of interest doomed their ambition and neutralised the strength of the opposition.
Also imperative is the fact that Nigerian political class should endeavour to grow beyond shoddy orientation and pedestral values, and acknowledge that political parties bear the peoples identity whether in opposition or not. Until they come to that realisation our political system would always churn out leadership based on faulty premises and opposition dictated by materialism rather than personal conviction.
Valentine Ugboma
City Crime
Ministry Raises Concern Over Rising Teenage Pregnancies, Begins Adolescent Sensitisation Campaign
The Department of Public Health in the Rivers State Ministry of Health has raised concern over the increasing cases of teenage pregnancies in society as it intensifies efforts to educate adolescents across the state.
Programme Manager for Adolescent Health and Development in the department, Mrs. Tammy Briggs, expressed the concern during a sensitisation programme held at Government Girls Secondary School Rumueme in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area of Rivers State.
Briggs explained that the campaign was designed to educate adolescents on the dangers of teenage pregnancy and other health-related issues affecting young people.
According to her, teenage pregnancy is currently on the rise, making it necessary for the ministry to step up awareness programmes among students.
“This is something that is on the rise for now. We have observed that there are many cases of teenage pregnancies, so we are here to sensitise them on ways to prevent it entirely,” she said.
She disclosed that the sensitisation campaign is being carried out in selected schools across four local government areas of the state, namely Obio/Akpor Local Government Area, Port Harcourt City Local Government Area, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area and Eleme Local Government Area.
Briggs noted that the programme focuses on several key issues affecting adolescents, including sexual and reproductive health, gender-based violence, teenage pregnancy, substance abuse, emotional health and proper nutrition.
She added that the outreach programme also featured tuberculosis screening for students as well as the distribution of sanitary pads and mathematical sets to support their health and academic development.
The programme manager commended the management of Government Girls Secondary School Rumueme for their cooperation and support in hosting the sensitisation exercise. She also advised the students to avoid behaviours that could jeopardise their future.
Speaking during the session, Dr. Nwadike Chinonso urged the students to make informed decisions about their lives and remain focused on their education.
He cautioned them against engaging in early sexual activities, stressing that abstinence remains one of the most effective ways to prevent sexually transmitted infections and unintended pregnancies.
Some of the students who participated in the programme expressed appreciation to the team for the awareness campaign and pledged to apply the knowledge gained to make responsible life choices.
Disturbing allegations of extortion, intimidation and the smuggling of prohibited items have unsettled the Kwale Medium Security Custodial Centre (MSCC) in Delta State, prompting calls for urgent intervention by the national authorities of the Nigeria Correctional Service amid fears of potential security breaches within the facility.
The development was disclosed by a senior officer at the Delta State custodial facility, who expressed concern over what was described as entrenched irregularities capable of undermining discipline and operational standards at the centre.
According to the source, detailed findings compiled between December 2025 and January 2026 highlighted patterns of misconduct and warned of possible security consequences should the allegations remain unchecked.
At the centre of the claims is a powerful corrections official serving as Officer in Charge of the Kwale facility, accused of presiding over persistent financial extortion, high-handedness and the victimisation of inmates under his supervision.
The document further indicated that the alleged practices may have originated during the tenure of a former General Provost, reportedly with the collaboration of another senior custodial official within the system.
Intelligence details suggested that inmates were allegedly compelled to contribute funds for projects and items considered outside the statutory framework of inmate welfare, raising questions about compliance with established correctional guidelines.
Among the financial demands reportedly imposed were ¦ 300,000 for the repair of a Hilux vehicle, ¦ 600,000 for the purchase of a freezer and ¦ 750,000 for a generator allegedly designated for the Officer in Charge’s residence.
The report also alleged that inmates were required to make payments before being conveyed to court, while Awaiting Trial Persons in Cells One to Nine were directed to raise ¦ 30,000 per cell, with Convict Cells One to Three, including a designated VIP cell, similarly mandated to pay ¦ 30,000 monthly.
Observers noted that if substantiated, such practices would amount to grave breaches of professional ethics and custodial administration standards, eroding principles of fairness, transparency and inmate welfare within correctional institutions.
Beyond the financial allegations, the intelligence brief raised concerns over the purported possession of unauthorised communication devices, alleging that a serving General Provost had two Android phones while another influential inmate was also reportedly found with a mobile device.
The document further alleged that prohibited items, including alcoholic beverages, Indian hemp and other hard substances, may have been smuggled into the custodial yard under the guise of routine supervision duties, with security sources warning that the cumulative effect of extortion, intimidation and contraband trafficking has heightened tension within the facility.
In view of the gravity of the allegations, they called for an immediate and discreet investigation by the minister of Interior for immediate action to safe the life of inmates.
The administrative review of implicated officers, even as officials of the Nigeria Correctional Service had yet to issue an official statement, with stakeholders insisting that a transparent probe and decisive action are essential to restoring confidence and safeguarding institutional integrity at the Kwale Medium Security Custodial Centre.
The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has filed a lawsuit against the government of President Bola Tinubu at the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice over the government’s alleged failure to withdraw “unlawful mass phone-tapping rules” known as the Lawful Interception of Communications Regulations, 2019.
LICR 2019 is a regulation that authorises telecom licensees to install technology for security agencies to monitor communications, including voice, data, text, email, and browsing, for national security and to combat crime.
SERAP, in a statement signed by its Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, yesterday, said the suit followed allegations by former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, that the phone conversation of the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, was intercepted.
El-Rufai reportedly claimed, “The NSA’s call was tapped. They do that to our calls too, and we heard him saying they should arrest me.”
In the suit numbered ECW/CCJ/APP/11/26, filed last Friday at the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice in Abuja, SERAP is seeking “a declaration that the failure of the government to withdraw the Interception of Communications Regulations is unlawful and a violation of Nigeria’s international human rights obligations.”
The organisation is also asking the court to declare that the government’s failure to withdraw the regulations “constitutes an official endorsement of unlawful mass phone-tapping rules, as the Regulations are patently unlawful, and violate the rule of law, democratic principles, and the right to privacy.”
It is further seeking “an order directing and compelling the Nigerian government to immediately withdraw the Interception of Communications Regulations, and to commence a legislative process to ensure that any interception regulations are in conformity with Nigeria’s international human rights obligations.”
The suit, filed on behalf of SERAP by its lawyers Kolawole Oluwadare, Oluwakemi Oni, Valentina Adegoke and Maryam Mumuni, argued that “the Regulations establish a sweeping mass phone-tapping regime that violates Nigerians’ constitutionally and internationally guaranteed human rights, including to privacy and freedom of expression.”
“Where powers affecting fundamental human rights are exercised in secrecy and concentrated in political authorities without independent supervision, the risks of arbitrariness are substantial.
“Surveillance measures that lack strict necessity, proportionality and independent judicial oversight can easily be weaponised against political opponents, journalists, civil society actors and election observers,” it added.
SERAP also warned that the regulations raise concerns as Nigeria approaches the 2027 general elections, noting that broad interception powers could be abused during politically sensitive periods.
“In an electoral climate, even the perception that private communications are being monitored can chill political organising, investigative reporting and voter mobilisation.
“Free and fair elections depend on confidential communications, protected journalistic sources and open democratic debate. Any misuse of intercepted data for intimidation, political advantage or disinformation would fundamentally undermine Nigerians’ right to political participation and electoral integrity.
“As 2027 approaches, interception powers must be narrowly defined, subject to prior independent judicial authorisation and backed by effective remedies. Without robust safeguards, these Regulations risk threatening privacy rights, freedom of expression and the credibility of Nigeria’s democratic process,” the suit stated.
SERAP maintained that any restriction on the right to privacy must comply with the principles of legality, necessity and proportionality, arguing that the regulations fail to meet these requirements.
SERAP also cited the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights as stating that mass surveillance programmes based on indiscriminate and blanket collection of personal data are arbitrary and cannot satisfy the requirements of legality, necessity and proportionality.
The group said the Nigerian government has a duty to adopt clear laws, safeguards, independent oversight mechanisms and accessible remedies to prevent abuse by state agencies and private actors, including telecommunications providers and technology companies.
According to SERAP, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) adopted the Lawful Interception of Communications Regulations, 2019 while exercising its powers under Section 70 of the Nigerian Communications Act, 2003.
The organisation argued that Regulation 4 grants broad discretionary interception powers to the National Security Adviser and the State Security Services, with little clarity on the scope or limits of such authority.
SERAP also pointed to inconsistencies within the regulations, noting that while Regulation 4 and Regulation 12 restrict interception powers to the NSA and SSS, Regulation 23 expands the category of authorised agencies to include bodies such as the Nigeria Police Force, National Intelligence Agency, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, and any other agency the commission may designate.
The organisation said this ambiguity undermines legal certainty and creates the risk of arbitrary application and abuse.
It also criticised provisions allowing interception without a warrant in certain circumstances, arguing that such powers are overly broad and susceptible to misuse.
SERAP further expressed concern that the regulations do not require authorities to notify individuals who have been subjected to surveillance, which it said weakens the ability of citizens to challenge unlawful monitoring.
The organisation warned that requirements compelling telecommunications licensees to install interception equipment and disclose encryption keys could undermine cybersecurity and discourage privacy-enhancing technologies.
SERAP acknowledged the government’s responsibility to address national security and organised crime but argued that such measures must remain within constitutional and international human rights limits.
No date has been fixed for the hearing of the suit.