Opinion
Redefining Democracy Dividends
Having been denied democratic rule for several years, many Nigerians were elated when the country transited from military despotism to democracy in 1999. Unarguably, democracy has been adjudged the best system of government.
Expectedly, Nigerians anticipated much from the system. They contemplated basic rights that were missing in a military government. However, apart from the abridged regimes of late Gen. Murtala Muhammed and the Buhari/Idiagbon administration, no military government showed any purposeful leadership in the country. The other regimes ran the country aground, ruined every public institution and brought untold hardship to the people.
But the advent of democracy rekindled hope and expectations became high. Nigerians looked forward to the rejuvenation of public institutions which were in comatose and a noticeable, palpable improvement in the quality of living. Because of the high value tagged on it, democracy is preferable to ordinary every day activities.
Nevertheless owing to stark ignorance and dearth of knowledge of what dividends of democracy is, our leaders and political office holders often refer to infrastructural development as dividends of democracy.
Consequently, they reel out statistics in newspapers and on the electronic media advertising their successes in the building of infrastructure and the provision of social amenities. In the midst of their boast, there is very little in our practical life that shows that politicians nay our leaders are committed to the utilization of the nation’s enormous resources to better the lives of the citizenry. Most of the media adverts showcasing their so-called achievements are doctored.
Assuming it is correct that state governors for instance build infrastructure, empower people economically and provide social amenities, does it make these good works democracy dividends? In other words are the building of roads, hospitals, schools or job creation dividends of democracy? Do we need democracy to get them in place?
During the oil boom era of the 70s, oil proceeds were better managed by the military despots. Most critical infrastructure in existence today were built then. This was an epoch when government policies were less politicized and more people-oriented. To a reasonable extent, and given the performance of the economy then, we had better infrastructure. Indeed, no one lost sleep over insecurity. And vice and violence were noticeable only by their declining progression.
Take Rivers State as an example. If one may ask, when was the state secretariat complex built? In whose administration were the state-owned moribund companies established? What about the famous Alfred Diete-Spiff Sports complex that hosts many sporting events? We can proceed endlessly. Still in the military era, potable water was available in homes and public taps were sited at strategic locations in the cities. The sanitary condition of our cities attained very high standard and electricity supply was constant. Education standard was at its best.
This feat was achieved under military rule and long before the institution of democracy in the country. It is common knowledge that dictatorship characterises any military government globally. And so could we conclude that because the military institutions in the country made laudable achievements, it is democratic? Or can we say, the infrastructure they built are democratic dividends? If so, how can an undemocratic institution give us democracy dividends?
What then is democracy dividend being touted by our leaders? It is freedom. Freedom of association. Freedom to think and act independently. But above all, democracy dividend means power.
The 18th century German sociologist, Max Weber, defines power as the ability to get others to act in accordance to your will.” These are the vitae ingredients that are missing in a military dictatorship.
Unlike the dictatorial form of leadership, in democracy power is shared between the ruler and the ruled. In other words, there is greater participation in government by the people. Democratic politics strives for less domination of power by an elite few, and the greater participation of people in governing themselves.
Clearly, then, democracy concerns itself not only with the mere acquisition of power, but with its equitable distribution. And equitable distribution of power recognises the people as the ultimate repositing of power.
Therefore, the elected and government officials and every organ of government are delegated to operate solely and totally in conformity with the will of the people. Until this reality becomes the governing principle of Nigerian politics, there cannot be dividends of democracy.
At the moment, there is no dividend of democracy in the country until the elected and government officials stop scorning the will of the people. It is amazing that until now, our leaders have refused to let election results reflect the electoral choices of the people as expressed through the ballot box.
How can there be democracy dividends in the country when political godfathers determine those who will vie for elective positions in the party? How can there be democracy dividends when money earmarked for projects disappear into thin air?
Tell me, how can there be democracy dividends when our leaders steal funds budgeted for improving the energy, health and the agricultural sectors etc.
It is only when our leaders subject themselves to the powers of the electorate and act in accordance with their will, then shall we say we earn democracy dividends. Then it will be impossible for them to rig election, steal public funds or engage in any act that contravenes the legitimate aspirations of the people.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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