Opinion
During Future Energy Resources
Investing in Russia since the 1991 collapse of Communism has always attracted a different breed of financier, with the most basic requirement being a cast-iron stomach.
For those brave enough to plunge in however, the rewards can be enormous – to give but one example, Troika Dialog, the oldest and largest private investment bank in the Commonwealth of Independent States, in the early 1990s was producing eye-watering annual rates of return for its subscribers of over 200 per cent.
That said, for every Troika Dialog there have been a dozen other ventures that crashed and burned, leaving foreign investors scorched.
But for those with a gambling streak, a new intriguing proposal, if implemented, may produce handsome returns in a most unlikely field – solar power.
Surprisingly to most, Russia has a range of locations suitable for solar power, including large expanses of Siberia and the Russia Far East, as well as the Caucasus. In the last-named region, some local politicians are seeking to establish the North Caucasus in the forefront of solar equipment manufacturing.
During an 23 August meeting, representatives of Stavropol Kray and state officials from the five regions, comprising the North Caucasus Federal District (SKFO) pored over a proposal drawn up by the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania to establish a “high technology industrial complex for producing silicon for solar energy applications,” giving the Caucasus its very own “Silikon Valleysky.”
According to the proposed program, each of the five regions would have a part of the production.
Most intriguingly for prospective investors, the endeavour would be a state and private joint venture. According to Ingushetia Republic representative, Vakha Yevloyev, the state and private investors would each front 50 per cent of the development costs.
The project would not come cheap, with start-up costs estimated at $1billion.
Association of Solar Energy of Russia coordinator, Anton Usachev said, “Polycrystalline silicon production will be located in the Stavropol region, while monocrystalline silicon production will be set up in Kabardino-Balkaria. The final production of photovoltaic cells and solar modules will be located in Karachay-Cherkessia and Dagestan respectively.
The raw material and production base of the alternative energy market is very new to Russia and is being fostered by local companies such as Nitol Solar and Hevel Solar in Novocheboksarsk, along with the Renova Group and Rosnano. For the moment, the potential market is export-oriented.”
Usachev added that this year the world solar energy market is expected to grow by 30 per cent.
Yevloyev, a strong supporter of the proposal, commented that the one billion dollar project could break even in two to seven years, with the costs split between investors and the state.
Usachev estimated that the North Caucasus has an average of 300 sunny days a year and that the cost of solar energy could be two-thirds lower than traditional energy sources such diesel-generated power.
Plans call for coordinating the project with the staff of the Russian Federation Presidential Envoy to the SKFO Aleksandr Khloponin later this month, with an agreement between the republics tentatively scheduled to be signed next month during the 10th International Investment Forum in Sochi.
Of course, the project has political overtones, as much of the Caucasus has been wracked by militancy over the past two decades. Given that Sochi will host the 2014 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games, Moscow is determined to show off the region in the best possible light, and progressive industries would do so.
At a March 2008 meeting with Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev, State Duma Chairman Boris Gryzlov stressed the importance of solar power for electricity generation and informed them of a patented Russian technology for solar power applications that could be marketed.
Gryzlov subsequently wrote, “Development of renewable energy will make it possible not only to address the problem of energy supply, reduce dependence on hydrocarbon raw materials and improve the ecological situation, but also make money from the production and export of high-tech products and engineering solutions.”
Given that the project is likely to receive the Kremlin’s blessing, it is about as fool proof an investment as one is likely to find in the post-Soviet space. You read it here first.
Dr Daly, a London-based expert, contributed this piece to OilPrice.com in Washington, DC, United States.
John Daly
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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