Editorial
Niger Republic: Need For Caution
The military intervention in Niger Republic on July 27 aligns with a prevailing pattern observed within the
Sahel region. Mali and Burkina Faso, both erstwhile reputable democratic governments, have similarly suffered from the turmoil of regime overthrow. Alarming as it may be, this recent coup represents the seventh occurrence of such military takeovers within a remarkably short span of less than three years.
Evidently, these unsettling events significantly impair the progress of democracy within one of the most economically disadvantaged regions globally. Consequently, it becomes imperative for the international community to isolate those who have seized power in Niamey and actively convey a resounding message, discouraging any inclination towards violent disruptions of legitimate governance.
Some ambitious Nigerien soldiers have quizzed President Mohamed Bazoum, citing insecurity, poor governance, and mishandling of the Islamist insurgency. The soldiers, led by Abdourahamane Tchiani, Bazoum’s commander of the elite Presidential Guard, have declared him as new head of state and have detained over 140 politicians. This adds Niger to the ever-expanding collection of armed rules in the West Africa’s Sahel region.
The accretion in military coups in Africa has raised apprehension about the erosion of democracy. Since 2010, there have been more than 40 coups and attempted plots, with 20 occurring in West Africa and the Sahel region, including Chad. Undeterred by difficult geopolitical circumstances with insurgencies, extremism, and armed revolts, Niger has experienced four military administrations since its independence in 1960, while managing to hold three democratic elections since 2011.
Niger, the largest landlocked country in West Africa, has a population of 25 million and is predominantly Muslim. The Sahara Desert covers more than 80 per cent of the nation’s land area. The country faces challenges from Islamist insurgencies originating from Mali and North Eastern Nigeria. Its many successful coups in the past three years have consistently caused global concern.
Expectedly, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), the African Union (AU), and the international community have condemned the bullish takeover of power in the West African country and have effected sanctions. UN Secretary-General António Guterres, criticised the coup, urging the need for restraint and adherence to constitutional order. He denounced any efforts to attenuate democratic governance, peace, and stability in Niger.
Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu, chairman of ECOWAS, also condemned the iniquitous government change. We denunciate the coup and are deeply distressed about the series of coups in the region. The incessant military overthrows whittle away the progress being made towards democracy on the continent. We reject these actions and join the global community in demanding the immediate restoration of democracy in Niger and other affected countries.
Rising from an emergency meeting in Abuja, chaired by Tinubu on July 30, ECOWAS announced a lockdown of the land and air borders between member countries and Niger. The regional body has issued a seven-day ultimatum for the restoration of deposed President Bazoum to office. Furthermore, the West African body has frozen enterprises, parastatals, and commercial banks in Niger, as well as restricted the country’s access to its institutions.
Niger hazards a proxy confrontation by major powers if ECOWAS’ military threat of invasion is enforced. Russian Wagner mercenary army, active in Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea, Central African Republic, and Sudan, has been accused by Bazoum of backing the mutineers and disseminating misinformation about his government. Clearly, Putin and his Wagner army have a foothold in Niger. Russia’s involvement in Nigerien affairs must be checked.
Guinea, Burkina Faso, and Mali view any ECOWAS military incursion in Niger as a declaration of war, which could worsen the already fragile situation in the region. Analysts caution that if ECOWAS and AU fail to handle diplomacy properly, renegade regimes might align with Russia and its Wagner army. To avoid this, it is essential to implement smart and flexible diplomacy that isolates the military juntas and prevents foreign powers from gaining influence.
President Tinubu must exercise discretion when addressing the situation in the embattled country to prevent the failure of law and order. Military intervention could worsen the imbroglio and potentially lead to civil anarchy. Instead, diplomatic engagements and sanctions should be vigorously pursued to pressure the soldiers to relinquish power or communicate a timeline for the restoration of democracy.
Nigeria’s military is currently engaged in internal security operations across all 36 states, combatting various threats such as international terrorists, bandits, pirates, and secessionists. Given the country’s economic and security crises, military intervention in a foreign war, particularly with Niger, is unwise and not feasible. Urgent measures are necessary, but the military option is not viable because of its over-stretched capacity.
Frequent military incursions in the sub-region are a direct consequence of the lack of expected economic and infrastructural development under democratic rule. Foreign interests exploit this situation to trigger insurrection in Niger and other nations. The key solution remains in effective governance to hold back soldiers in barracks.
The events in Niger should serve as a wake-up call for Nigeria. It is crucial for the African giant to give precedence to legitimacy and exemplary governance. The sentiments encompassing the last general elections play up the need to address electoral fraud. The Nigerian government must recognise that military coups are still a possibility. To prevent such actions, it is essential for democracy and good governance to thrive in the country, and elections must be conducted with credibility.
Military coups in Africa have detrimental effects on stability and socio-economic development, undermining democratic governance, civil liberties, and human rights. Additionally, they erode public trust and investor confidence. To address persistent coups, African leaders must shun sit-tight mentality in office, prioritise good governance, establish robust civil institutions, uphold the rule of law, and ensure accountability. Tinubu must exercise control over his defiance and prevent any attempts of incautation in Niger.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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