Editorial
Declining Fortunes Of Press Freedom
This year’s World Press Freedom Day (WPFD) was observed yesterday, May 3, 2020, to high light the fundamental principles of press freedom, and to defend the media from attacks on their independence. WPFD is also known as World Press Day. The day similarly honours journalists who were killed and aims at spreading awareness about the primacy of press freedom.
WPFD is a scheme from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) to bolster and think about the function of media organisations and professionals. Its objective is to hold governments to account for their undertaking to freedom of the press and to enable the press to reflect on professional ethics. Freedom of the press fosters a more democratic, stronger and inclusive society and is essential for the protection and promotion of human rights.
The theme of this year’s International Press Freedom Day is “Journalism Under Digital Siege.” The goal is to underline the role of information in an online media environment. Many independent and dedicated journalists and media workers around the world keep exposing injustice in their countries and contribute to building a better future. A lot are encountering daily assault, brutality and stalking, both online and offline.
World Press Day was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in December, 1993, following the recommendation of UNESCO’s General Conference. Since then, May 3, the anniversary of the Declaration of Windhoek, the Namibian capital, has been celebrated worldwide as World Press Freedom Day.
Freedom of the press is widely acknowledged to be the engine of democracy. Thomas Macaulay, the British statesman and historian in the 19th century, said, “The Fourth Estate ranks in importance equally with the three estates of the realm, the Lords Spiritual, the Lords Temporal and the Lords Common.” As the French writer, Benjamin Constant, noted, “With newspapers, there is sometimes disorder; without them, there is always slavery.”
Regrettably, press freedom has come under relentless onslaughts in Nigeria despite clear provisions of the 1999 Constitution in Section 39. For instance, the two journalists shot to death in July, 2019 and January, while covering the demonstrations of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria, are only two extremes.
Police, military and other security personnel regularly harass journalists and media outfits. In January, 2019, armed soldiers and Department of State Services (DSS) agents raided the Daily Trust offices in Maiduguri, Borno State and Lagos at the same time. They apprehended two journalists, alleging that the newspaper “leaked classified military information and sapped national security.”
Police in Ebonyi State, following threats by Governor David Umahi to “ban” the duo for alleged inauspicious reports, independently arrested the correspondents of The Sun and The Vanguard newspapers in Abakaliki, the state capital. This is not all. Journalists also learnt of Governor Ben Ayade’s rant and rave in Cross River State, where one of them, Agba Jalingo, was suspected of treason.
In February, 2020, the Committee to Protect Journalists disclosed how the police and the DSS had been improperly using the Nigerian Communications Act 2003 to tap into phones to track and lure journalists into detention. The law requires network service providers to help security agencies with crime prevention and national security, but it has often been used to badger the media.
Subsequent to the extensive attacks on journalists after Jones Abiri, Agba Jalingo and Omoyele Sowore, an online editor, were detained, The Guardian of London cautioned that under the regime of President Muhammadu Buhari, a “climate of fear” appeared looming as continuous attempts to gag the press “could herald a return to the dark days of military rule.” We agree. These may be well-known in dictatorships, but they are the very converse in democracies.
The mugging has to stop. Harassment should be combated by the appropriate use of the law. Like the illustrious human rights lawyer, the late Gani Fawehinmi, took up the case of Minere Amakiri, a journalist who was sequestered, whipped and forcefully shaven on the orders of the then military governor of old Rivers State, Alfred Diete-Spiff, public-spirited lawyers should provide services to oppressed journalists, especially smaller ones, and online outlets.
There is no hesitancy that Buhari would not have been President without a free press. Power is short-lived; Buhari has long been in opposition. As spokesman for the opposition party, Lai Mohammed used the free press and social media with merciless ardency against the Goodluck Jonathan administration. Leaders should expand on the democratic space instead of shutting it down.
Maria Ressa, a journalist, and founder of the news organisation, Rappler, in the Philippines, said in 2018: “You don’t really know who you are until you’re forced to fight to defend it … We will hold the line.” Nigerian journalists should hold the line here as well. All Nigerians have a duty to defend the rights to free expression and the press. That is where we stand!
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Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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