Editorial
Beyond London Education Summit
Concerned about the growing figure of out-of-school children worldwide, a few world leaders lately met
and raised $5 billion from donors to assist the education sector in approximately 90 countries, with a huge out-of-school children’s population. The Global Education Summit was co-hosted by the United Kingdom Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, and Kenyan President, Uhuru Kenyatta, in London. The assembly was aimed at making global leaders invest more in education and enhance access for girls.
A record US$4 billion was raised from donors for the Global Partnership for Education (GPE). This fundraising cumulative places GPE firmly in the direction of attaining its goal of realising at least $5 billion over the next five years to transform education for millions of the world’s most susceptible children. A funded GPE would allow up to 175 million children to learn and assist 88 million more girls and boys in school by 2025.
In addition to the US$4 billion pledged from donors, 19 Heads of State and Government pledged to spend at least 20% of national budgets on education, rallying behind a political declaration on education financing led by Kenyatta. Over the next five years, the countries that signed the declaration will commit up to US$196 billion in funding for education. These commitments are an essential safeguard against lost learning as a result of the economic impact of Covid-19.
Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari and other world leaders participated in the summit which held between 28 and 29 July, 2021. This two-day hybrid event brought together leaders from governments, corporations, the private sector and development banks to dedicate funds and support to the education of children in the poorest countries of the world.
At the occasion, Buhari promised to raise Nigeria’s education budget by 50 per cent over the next two years. That is laudable if it is faithfully enforced. The promise was contained in a document entitled, “Heads of State call to action on education financing ahead of the Global Education Summit,” signed as a form of commitment at the summit. It is a move in the right direction.
Nigeria has an education system that is essentially vulnerable and underfunded, with record levels of out-of-school children worldwide. Properly implemented, the pact at the summit may modify the dynamic. While this development is encouraging, it nevertheless highlights the wishful thinking of a government that has completely ignored UNESCO’s recommendation for education funding.
According to the Education for All programme, the organisation recommends that countries should devote 4.0% to 6.0% of the GDP to education, and within the government budget, 15% to 20% should be dedicated to education. Sadly, Buhari allocated N369.6 billion to education in 2016, which amounted to 6.7 per cent of the national budget of N6.06 trillion. In 2017, N550.5 billion or 7.38 per cent of the N7.29 trillion budget was allocated to the sector.
In 2018, N605.8 billion out of the N9.12 trillion budget, indicating 7.04 per cent, was allotted to education; in 2019, it was N620.5 billion, signifying 7.05 per cent of the N8.92 trillion budget. In 2020, N671.07 billion of N10.33 trillion, which amounted to 6.7 per cent, was given to the sector; while in 2021, the sector got N742.5 billion of the N13.6 trillion budget, representing 5.6 per cent.
These budgetary allocations represent a paltry sum in key areas and are not unique to this administration. In addition, the lack of funding from previous governments for education has adversely affected the prosperity of that sector. As our education sector faces impediments, it is anticipated that the government will improve quality, promote growth, increase competitiveness, stimulate research and encourage teachers.
However, a one-time promise that is unlikely to be realised is not what it takes to infuse life into a stupefied system as President Buhari has vowed. It must be overhauled. A bottom-up, targeted and pragmatic approach is urgently needed to allow Nigeria’s primary, secondary and university education to compete globally to address the policy.
Nigeria is said to have received substantial financing from GPE. In June 2021, the GPE formally announced the approval of a new grant of $125 million for the country, an education programme that will be implemented by the World Bank in Oyo, Katsina and Adamawa States. It was good for Buhari to have participated in the GPE Summit. The future of Nigerian children is not promising, particularly when it comes to the growing number of out-of-school children, which stands at 13.5 million with almajiris making up about 72% of this figure.
The recent wave of mass abductions and kidnappings of students is arguably the greatest existential threat to the future of education in Northern Nigeria. What makes school kidnappings in the North bad in the long run is that they combine two negative trolls. The first is Boko Haram’s retrogressive doctrine that “Western education is bad,” and the second is motivated by the search for ransom for criminal commercial reasons. These two are now inextricably linked.
The North is already plagued by endemic poverty, religious and cultural practices that bode ill for Western education, and a pervasive systemic crisis in Nigeria’s education system. Thus, the advent of kidnapping schoolchildren for ransom is an ominous gathering cloud, whose forecoming rains may have catastrophic and far-reaching consequences, not only for Northern Nigeria but the entire country.
Schools must be urgently protected from bandits and insurgents. And education budgets have to be protected. Records show that for the last ten years, the allocation to the Nigerian education sector has not reached the 10-15% recommended by UNESCO in developing countries. This has led to teacher strikes at all levels of the stratum, with other calamities that have reduced the once-proud education sector into a complete laughing stock in international education rating standards.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.