Editorial
No To RUGA Settlements!
Just last month, barely few weeks after his swearing in for a second term as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Muhammadu Buhari-led Federal Government began hurried effort to perfect implementation of the Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) programme initiated by the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Natural Resources, and approved by the former Federal Executive Council (FEC) and National Economic Council (NEC) under the “National Livestock Transformation Programme”, ostensibly aimed at establishing Fulani settlements in “willing states” to “resolve” the festering farmers/herders clashes across the country.
The implementation of RUGA, under the supervision of the Vice President, Prof Yemi Osinbajo, comes on the heels of heightened tension across the country with the largest Christian community in Africa, of surreptitious plots by the Federal Government to Islamise and ‘Fulanise’ Nigeria, in violation of the objective principles and tenets of the Constitution recognizing the territory as a “Secular State”.
Indeed, the controversial scheme, smartly conceived as a platform for the rehabilitation of Internally Displaced Persons as a result of the farmers/herders’ crisis, and factored as a basis for the development of ranches in any willing state of the federation, has been stoutly resisted by more than 25 states. Even a section of the population in the 11 states alleged to have given “consent” to the establishment of cattle colonies or ranches in their states, has shown infectious opposition to any programme designed to grant herdsmen special status and public-funding privilege in any form or guise.
Expressing the stark opposition of Rivers people to RUGA, Governor Nyesom Wike, last Tuesday, said that his government had not given any approval for the siting of RUGA settlements anywhere in Rivers State, because the state had no land for the implementation of such a policy, as it needs available arable land to drive its commercial agriculture policy to fast-track economic diversification, boost youth empowerment and job creation, and improve revenue generation for the betterment of the people. The Governor reiterated that he “will continue to defend the interest of Rivers people who have overwhelmingly rejected cattle colonies, RUGA settlements and any such policy”, and “advised Rivers people to join the State Government to protect all arable lands by reporting any form of encroachment under whatever guise” to appropriate authorities for immediate action.
Wike is not alone in this. The Ijaw Youth Council, Pan-Niger Delta Forum, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Yoruba Council of Elders and Afenifere, Middle Belt Elders’ Forum, and a collection of all Southern and Middle Belt leaders, have unanimously condemned the move by the Federal Government to revamp the old grazing reserves, and deploy the N2.26 billion Grazing Reserve Budget, in addition to other extra-budgetary allocations, to fund the devilish plan, describing the veiled policy as another confirmation of the Muhammadu Buhari-led administration’s design to Islamise and ‘Fulanise’ Nigeria, which must be resisted at all cost.
The Tide completely agrees with Wike and other leaders across the country, who had voiced unambiguous opposition to the Presidency’s push for Federal Government’s direct or indirect involvement in efforts to give herders an uneven advantage in their private business of cattle breeding and sales. Just as we clearly condemned the Federal Government for initiating the idea of lobbying state governments on behalf of Miyetti Allah and other herders for the creation of special colonies or grazing areas for cattle across the country early in 2018 as a possible solution to the farmers/herders’ clashes, we still restate our opposition to this new coinage: “RUGA”, as its intents and purposes are the same.
We vehemently condemn the Buhari-led Federal Government, not just for pushing the implementation of this dangerous policy, but for showing to Nigerians that it places more importance on cattle than human lives. We know for a fact that the harbinger of farmers/herders’ crisis is not the dearth of grazing land for cattle in states of origin or residence of their owners, as there are large enough fertile forests in the North-East and North-West for cattle grazing, just as there is enough water in the Northern Belt for the cattle to drink. After all, there are thousands of irrigation and mechanized farmers in the North who are doing fantastically well in their agricultural ventures.
But fundamentally important is the fact that the Federal Government has no business intervening and lobbying for cattle rearers to spread their tentacles across all cities and communities in the country. Similarly, the Buhari Presidency has no legal obligation to allocate tax-payers’ funds for the establishment of cattle colonies, grazing reserves or RUGA settlements anywhere in Nigeria, as cattle breeding and sales are purely private business opportunities and choices that people make for their interests in life. Therefore, lobbying for cattle breeders to have choice fertile lands and fresh water belts clearly amounts to favouring one business class over millions of others.
This is patently why we had and still argue that establishing ranches by cattle owners is the way to go. As private business owners, who decide the price of their goods and services, cattle breeders, if they are genuine entrepreneurs with clear passion and drive, should approach state governments or communities for lands on lease, and on agreement and payment of appropriate fees, must build facilities in line with best global practices for their ranches. Such ranches will definitely create job opportunities, boost economic growth and contribute to national development through payment of appropriate taxes, royalties, levies and fees.
Relying on the Grazing Reserve Act of 1964 to promote RUGA settlements in the 21st Century is unacceptable. We, therefore, advise the Federal Government to completely hands off this unpopular programme in the interest of unity, peace, equity and justice for all. Merely suspending implementation of the RUGA programme is absolutely not enough. It must take a step further by, without further delay, cancelling the entire idea. Even the ultimatum by the so-called Coalition of Northern Groups to the Presidency to rescind its decision to suspend the policy, should be seen as an affront, and treated as a treasonable offence, punishable under the law. Besides, we challenge the Buhari administration to arrest and prosecute armed herders, who engage in wanton killing of farmers, raping of women and abduction of children under whatever pretext. This is one way to prove that the fight against insecurity is borne out of a genuine desire.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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