Opinion
In The Name Of Tradition
As children, we were told that masquerades are spirits of our ancestors. Our elders taught us and we also leant from other sources that masquerades in Igbo land serve spiritual, social, and educational purposes, that they are integral part of the cultural fabric of the Igbo people, embodying their beliefs, values and traditions. Growing up, we saw masquerades play some vital roles in our communities such as upholding moral values by punishing wrongdoers and rewarding those who adhere to the societal norms; providing entertainment through elaborate dances, music, and performances at community celebrations and gatherings and many more. But that has changed, especially in Nsukka, Enugu State where Omabe masquerade, popularly referred to as Oriokpa, has become a turn in the flesh of many indigenes and residents. As a secondary school student in the town, many years ago, Oriokpa masquerades were the most dreaded figures because of the way they dealt mercilessly with people, especially young girls and women. The physical assaults, molestations and intimidation were of the highest order.
During Oriokpa season and outing, many pupils and students and even teachers stay away from school for the fear of being brutalised by the masquerades. I recall one faithful day that we were beaten blue and black by a horde of Oriokpa. The school had dismissed, the bordering students returned to the hostels and we the day students and some teachers stood outside the school gate for hours waiting for any means of transport to take us home. No taxis, buses or motorcycles could come near the Urban Girls Secondary School environment because it was Oriokpa season. After some hours of hopeless waiting, a particular “born again” female teacher decided that enough was enough. She cut a branch of a mango tree on the school compound, with her Bible securely tucked in her armpit, she opened the gate and dashed out. Seeing her level of confidence and believing that she would be capable of warding off any masquerade that came near her, almost all the students going the same direction with her, ran after her.
It was a long, lonely, bushy untarred road but we were fearless seeing our leader with a long fresh stick and a Bible and she continued to pray as we moved. But behold, about half way into the journey, within a twinkle of an eye, dozens of Oriokpa masquerades appeared from nowhere and started coming for us. Our courageous born-again teacher could do nothing. Not the stick nor the Bible could be used to confront the large number of masquerades. All the students held her tightly, trembling. Incidentally, our hoped support base was even trembling more than us. She was shaking, begging the masquerades not to harm us. Unfortunately, all our pleas and cries fell on deaf ears. The masquerades descended on us, flogging the daylight out of us as we kept running and screaming. Some of us ran into one uncompleted building along the road but they caught up with us, flogging us like some disobedient slaves. Many of us still bear the physical scars from that experience till date.
The psychological scar is indelible. Painfully, over four decades after, the menace of the Oriokpa masquerades still persists in the university town.  Last month, a video of a female nurse being molested by some Oriokpa masquerades trended online. In fact, it is still trending. The victim, Miss Blessing Ogbonna, a staff of a private hospital in Nsukka, was fully kitted, riding her motorbike to the hospital when the masquerades swooped on her and started flogging her until she fell down from the motorbike. She managed to get up and ran, but the hordes of masquerades continued beating her till she fell into a deep drainage. According to her, she did not see the masquerades early enough to run because a tipper blocked her view and before she could see the masquerades, it was too late.
Commendably, some notable people, groups and organisations both within and outside Nsukka including the Enugu State House of Assembly reacted fiercely to the dehumanising act, leading to the suspension of operations of masquerades in the town. Reports have it that in a meeting, summoned by the Nsukka Town Federated Union, which was attended by the Oha Nsukka, the Akpuruaru Nsukka, the Igwes, the Presidents-General of the nine autonomous communities and the youths, a resolution was reached that “Oriokpa masquerade operation has been suspended until further notice to enable the Council of Elders conclude on the assault on Miss Ogbonna and come up with modalities on the Oriokpa masquerade operation.The Enugu State House of Assembly also acted swiftly by setting up an ad-hoc committee to come up with practical measures to regulate the activities of masquerades in the State. The action followed a motion by Honourable  Malachy Onyechi on the abuse of human rights, threat to life, and destruction of properties by masquerades in the constituency. Onyechi, who represents the constituency at the state House of Assembly, noted that the menace of masquerades in the area was alarming, as many had either been injured or lost their lives following their activities.
The security agencies  also played their part by ensuring the arrest of the suspects involved in the episode and charging them with assault, extortion and blockade of a federal road. All these steps so far taken are commendable. One only hopes that the modalities of operation to be arrived at eventually will be implemented and sustained. This is because similar steps have been taken before. They brought some sanity in the town for sometime but there was a relapse with the passage of time. One of such measures was the restriction of the operation of Oriokpa to the then villages like Echara, Umakashi, Nguru and others. They were not to be seen at Enugu Road, Odenigbo and other urban areas at that time. Incidentally, most of the then rural communities like Echara, Orba Road, Isiakpu, Echara and others are now township areas. They are all built up with a lot of economic activities going on within and around them. These communities are now being inhabited by people of diverse ethnic groups, religions and beliefs. These deserve to have their rights protected.
Masquerades and masquerade festivals are beautiful agelong culture which should be upheld but their operations must be adequately regulated at all times by the government and the traditional heads so that hoodlums do not hide under the guise of masquerade to bear illegal arms, to undo others and to cause nuisance in the society. The disruptions of public order – causing traffic congestion, disturbing the peace and interrupting business activities which negatively affect the local economy must stop. The extortionist acts of the masked spirit are highly resentful. As has been insinuated by some people and alluded to by a renowned university teacher, Professor Damina Opata, “The real danger is that some reckless youths even from outside Nsukka and Omabe culture areas go into the bush, don Oriokpa outfit, and begin to waylay people on the road, forcefully extorting money from innocent citizens, and even beating people who refuse to give them money.”
The solution to this was also proffered by the don, “…One way out of this is for village vigilantes and the police to arrest Oriokpa who block main roads, begging for money. The Igwes should also play a part in controlling the excesses of the modern Oriokpa.” The traditional rulers, town unions and other stakeholders should not allow outsiders to mess up their culture. Reformation of certain aspects of the masquerade tradition both in Nsukka and other parts of the country to align with contemporary societal norms is inevitable. It is crucial to balance cultural heritage with the need to maintain public safety and order.
Calista Ezeaku
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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