Opinion
Pipeline Leakages And Fire, Past 25 Years
The most recent alarm about leaking pipeline raised by community members this month was in Omoku in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area in Rivers State. A clergyman operating an orphanage close to the scene of pipeline leakage made a pathetic appeal for an immediate intervention by appropriate authorities, in the interest of many children in the orphanage. There had been similar reported cases in various parts of Rivers State; neither must all such reported cases of pipeline leakages be associated with oil bunkering or sabotage. In this case of Omoku leakage, there is present danger, apart from several people moving away from the scene. It is sad that in the past 25 years there have been numerous cases of pipeline leakages and fire in Nigeria. October 18, 1998, it was reported that 1,082 persons died at Jesse, Delta State, as a result of pipeline fire. June 25, 1999, 15 persons were reported to have been burnt alive at Akute-Odo, Lagos. February 7, 2000, 17 persons died in Ogwe, Abia State, from pipeline fire, and March 20, same year and close to Isioma, Abia State, no fewer than 20 persons died in similar sad incident. June 21, 2000, 28 persons were burnt to death at Okuedjeba near Warri, in Delta State.
July 11, 2000, nearly 300 people reportedly died from pipeline fires in Warri, Delta State, and on 23 July 2000, 40 people died at Afrokpe near Sapele, Delta State, with another 15 persons the next day in a second blast. Then November 30, 2000, about 60 people died when a damaged pipeline exploded near Lagos. Total of six pipeline fire in 2000 alone! November 15, 2001, 15 people died in a fire caused by an oil leak at Umudike, Imo State; but in the whole of 2002, there was no such tragedy. Then June 19, 2003, 125 people died by a pipeline explosion in Ovim, Abia State. September 16, 2004, 60 people died in pipeline blast in the outskirts of Lagos; and December 22, 2004, 27 persons died as villagers scooped fuel from a damaged pipeline at Ilado near Lagos. May 30, 2005, a pipeline burst into flames after a gang tapped into it to illegally siphon off fuel in the town of Awokan, killing six persons. December 20, 2005, militants blew up a Royal Dutch Shell pipeline, about 50 kilometres southwest of the Southern oil centre of Port Harcourt, killing 8 people. Then May 12, 2006, about 200 people were reportedly burnt alive in an inferno at a beach near Lagos; same May 12, 2006, a ruptured gas pipeline ignited, killing villagers collecting fuel in the southern village of Ilado, Lagos. It was estimated that the total number of people that died in that inferno was more than 200.
December 26, 2006, a day after Christmas, it was reported that hundreds of persons were killed by fire as a pipeline exploded in Abule Egba, Lagos. It was alleged that some of the victims of that sad incident were in festive attire, celebrating a boxing day as a Christmas holiday. One year after, another December 25, 2007, Christmas day proper, 47 people were reported to have died at a village near Ikate on Atlas Cove, Mosimi line in Iru Council of Lagos State. Between 2008 and 2018, records of pipeline fire are being verified for compilation, but the above history of pipeline fires in Nigeria is shocking enough. It is needful that urgent and prompt attention should be given to cases of pipeline leakages reported by indigenes of rural communities, by appropriate authorities, without waiting for disasters to occur. The tendency to associate broken or leaking pipelines to oil bunkering or sabotage, and perhaps suspect villagers in such vicinity as being responsible for any illegality, may not always be the case. While illegality and sabotage may not be ruled out in cases of damage to pipelines, what should demand immediate attention and action, is to ensure that fire which can put human lives in jeopardy, does not erupt from leaking pipelines.
With the most recent incident in Omoku (ONELGA) as a case study, the observation has been that rapid response and action rarely follow reports or alarm about a leaking pipeline. It is a sad habit to consider the status or outward appearance of a messenger first, before considering what importance to attach to the message being conveyed. Neither must a village woman who saw crude oil gushing out from the soil as she was harvesting cassava in her farm, be accused of bursting a pipeline with her hoe! Even when cases of oil spill are reported from the grassroots and channelled through a local government chairman or any public notary, there is always a tendency to bring some politics into such matter. Such political twist comes in the form of recriminations and accusations about collaborations by local indigenes in illegality of oil thieves. People of the Niger Delta region have had enough of sad experiences of natural resources that should have been a blessing to them. Rather, they suffer in silence.
It is sad to observe that in the past 25 years, apart from cases of pipeline fire disasters and increasing terrorism, banditry and gangsterism, land-grabbing is another looming disaster in the Niger Delta region. A Land Use Decree of 1969, may have been necessitated by a strategy to win the Nigeria Civil War (1967 – 1970), under a military regime. As Land Use Act by a democratic federal government, all land in the states remains vested under authority of state Governors. What we find in Rivers State, for instance, is a situation where real estate developers are creating looming crises in communities, with land belonging to families being acquired and sold through means and agents that rarely mean well. It is needful that Rivers State government should give urgent attention to this phenomenon of land acquisition through means akin to gangsterism, to say the least. The situation has come to the point of describing the phenomenon as land-grabbing, whereby communal and family lands are being shared and sold at prices and terms determined by speculators. Surely, the situation is tense in some communities, neither should the possible future consequences of land sales be ignored.
Pipelines bearing and conveying mineral oil products pass through various communities in the Niger Delta areas of Nigeria. The Petroleum Industry Act has not addressed all the plight and concerns of communities which bear the harsh brunt of the oil industry. Let not politics and economics of greed make the plight of oil-producing communities worse by exposing them to looming hazards, ranging from fire and death, to animosities in communities.
By: Bright Amirize
Bright Amirize is a retired lecturer from Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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