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The Injustice Of Delayed Justice

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Pre-trial detention commonly referred to as awaiting trial in Nigeria is an evil that has continued to destroy thousands of lives globally. The data made available by the Nigerian Correction Service (NCS), indicates that as at October 2021, the number of awaiting trial inmates in Nigeria is 74per cent, as compared to 38.2per cent in the US, 13.2per cent in Ghana, and 29.3per cent in South Africa. The implication of this revelation is that three out of every four inmates are awaiting trial; and until last week, Mr. Maxwell Dele was one of them. His release after 11 years of incarceration without trial and the associated back story have brought back the issues of awaiting trial and prison congestion to the table of public discussion.
The release of Mr. Maxwell Dele was facilitated by Advocates Sans Frontiere France (lawyers without borders).  According to the story, he was tortured and compelled to sign a pre-written statement by the now disbanded, infamous SARS police unit, before being taken to court, and subsequently remanded for 11 years for a crime that his neighbour allegedly committed. He is just one person out of more than 36,000 inmates awaiting trial in Nigeria.
Mr Dele’s case is a vivid example of the fate of thousands of the less privileged in our society who find themselves on the wrong side of the law, either by commission, association, or being roped in by the pecuniary proclivities of the Nigerian police. These men and women, some of them innocent, but unfortunately unable to provide their own legal defence, have been denied the right to live like human beings; rights to personal freedom, liberty, and fair trial.  These rights are provided for in articles (6) and (7) of the African Charter for Human and People’s Rights; and also, in sections 35 and 41 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended.
It is quite unfortunate that, in spite of the awareness that the population of awaiting trial inmates is putting a strain on existing facilities, the government has refused to tackle the problem at the root. During President Jonathan’s administration, a committee led by John Odah gave a damning report that Nigerian prisons are unfit for human habitation, but nothing tangible was done to change the narrative. The current government’s idea is to expand correctional facilities in the country, by building seven 3000-capacity correctional facilities, one in the FCT, and one in each of the six geopolitical zones, starting from Kano in the North West and Rivers in the South South.
Building new correctional facilities is good; however, it does not solve the problem, since it does not make mathematical sense; because the number of awaiting trial inmates in Nigerian prisons is in excess of 36,000. If the FG erects seven new facilities of 3000 capacity each, giving a total additional capacity of 21,000, there is still a deficit of 15000, meaning that the problem of congestion remains.While policymakers continue to sleep-walk on the decisions that could speed up the wheel of justice, the plight of inmates, of which 74per cent are awaiting trial is deteriorating, and a good number of them are already damaged psychologically. Research sponsored by Carmelite Prisons’ Organisation, using the Raven’s Progressive Matrices, a general intelligence test, showed a significant cognitive decline rate that is faster among awaiting trial inmates relative to their convicted counterparts. This implies that the longer suspects remain in the limbo of pre-trial, the harder it might be for them to lead a normal life when they are eventually released.
The government at both the federal and state levels are completely responsible for the thousands of inmates languishing in Nigerian prisons without trial, and the first agency of government complicity in this evil is the police. They fill up the correctional facilities with mass and arbitrary arrests, tardy investigations, and wrong profiling of suspects.
Secondly, the delay or outright refusal of policymakers within the judiciary to expand the scope of the cases a magistrate could handle is a very huge contributor to the plague of awaiting trial cases; due to the fact that suspects would have to wait, sometimes indefinitely, for their cases to be reassigned for lack of jurisdiction. As a result, some of the inmates virtually do not exist in the judiciary system because of missing case files. As was the case of Sikiru Alade who was arrested in March 2003 when he was 30 years; and detained in Kirikiri Maximum Prison without trial for nine years. During the hearing for his release in 2012, the FG claimed he was never in their system, even when there was evidence to the contrary.
Thirdly, the illegal activities of wardens contribute in no small measure to the suffering of awaiting trial inmates. In one of my recent pieces, I made mention of the amount of humanitarian good done for Nigerians, in Nigeria by organisations from other nations, and today’s piece was occasioned by the fruits of the  Labour of one of such groups, ASF France. It begs the question, what are Nigerians doing for Nigerians in this regard? What role has a major behemoth like the Nigerian Bar Association been playing to reduce or eradicate this plague? How often has the NBA in various states visited prison inmates, especially those awaiting trial for the purpose of assisting those in need? How many of their members actually schedule quarterly pro-bono services for those without the means to afford legal defence? With the thousands languishing in the almost infinite conveyor belt of awaiting trial, it is apparent that our legal men and women are missing in action in the service of the downtrodden.
Besides the NBA, the Church is mandated to visit those in prison; and I know there are various Churches and Christian organisations doing this. However, it is my belief, that this mandate goes beyond teaching the Bible and bringing relief to those in prisons. Christians also have the mandate of speaking for those who are unable to speak for themselves. In this regard, Christians, and especially so-called mega Churches with all the requisite resources to do this are failing even those in their local assemblies. Most Churches with legal teams are only activated to defend the Church and so-called ‘Men of God’; whereas, the Church’s legal capacity ought to be deployed in the defence of those without a means and voice. In as much as various interest groups, can, and should take steps geared towards alleviating the plights of thousands of inmates awaiting trial, the ultimate responsibility for repairing the damaged justice system lies  squarely on the shoulders of the government. Government must begin to take concrete steps to set in motion those policies that would deal with the root cause of the ugly situation. Arbitrary and mass arrests and detention should be outlawed; magistrates and judges should be willing to toss tardy investigated cases.
The federal government should encourage other state governments to borrow a leaf from Lagos State, to implement a similar plea-bargain programme for awaiting trial inmates as a major avenue to curbing the menace. The Chief Justice of the Federation should also encourage State Chief Judges to routinely hold a monthly or quarterly session at major correctional facilities for the purpose of setting free inmates who have been incarcerated for more than four years, depending on the severity of the alleged crime. There are thousands of Maxwells and Sikirus languishing in correctional facilities across the country. Most of them have been emotionally and mentally damaged; most have been completely forgotten, yet they are compelled to live under conditions no human being should be subjected to. Sadly, some of them might be innocent. But no one deserves to go through such life wasting ordeal.

By: Raphael Pepple

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Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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Opinion

… And It Came To Pass

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Quote:“Leadership is not measured by how hard one strikes back, but by how steady one remains under provocation.”
Tell it  in Rivers State, publish it  in the streets of Port Harcourt, so  the daughters of the State could rejoice, and the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph and know that Fubara is not vindictive”. And it came to pass that Rivers State emerged from one of the most delicate chapters in its political journey, the period of emergency rule that spanned from March 18 to September 18, 2025. It was a season that tested institutions, strained loyalties, and exposed the fragile balance between power and principle. During that time, the suspended Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara DSSRS, was widely believed to have suffered not only political setbacks but personal betrayal, allegedly from some top civil servants within the state apparatus. These were individuals expected to uphold neutrality and professionalism, yet were accused in public opinion of taking sides against the very government they served.
As the emergency rule ended and Governor Fubara resumed office, expectations were shaped less by policy and more by emotion. Many assumed that revenge would quietly find expression through governance. The loudest suspicion centered on the 2025 Christmas bonus of ?100,000 traditionally paid to each worker. The thinking was simple and cynical: a wounded governor would surely withhold goodwill. Some voices even mocked workers  openly hoping that the governor would refuse to pay the bonus. To them, denial of the bonus would serve as proof of political strength and justified retaliation. In reality, such thinking revealed a troubling desire to see governance reduced to personal vendetta. Yet,  it came to pass, the governor chose a path that confounded suspicion. Against all expectations, the 2025 Christmas bonus was paid.
That single decision quietly but firmly reframed the narrative. It showed a leader focused on governance rather than grudges, on institutional continuity rather than emotional satisfaction. The payment was not a favor, nor was it a concession; it was a statement that public administration must rise above personal injury. By honoring the bonus, Governor Fubara demonstrated that leadership is not measured by how hard one strikes back, but by how steady one remains under provocation. He made it clear that workers’ welfare would not become collateral damage in political disagreements. This action also served as a moral rebuke to those who celebrated division and hoped for punishment. Governance is not validated by the suffering of workers, nor is leadership strengthened by withholding entitlements. At the same time, the issue of alleged sycophancy and betrayal within the civil service cannot be brushed aside. If proven, such conduct deserves firm, lawful, and institutional correction. Civil servants are bound by duty to the state, not to political conspiracies or shifting loyalties.
However, justice must never be confused with revenge. The strength of governance lies in correcting wrongs without destroying the system itself. Governor Fubara’s restraint suggested an understanding that the future of Rivers State mattered more than settling scores. For workers, this moment carried an important lesson. Celebration should be rooted in good governance, not in the expectation of another’s downfall. Rejoicing in rumors of denial or punishment undermines the very stability that protects workers’ welfare. Public service thrives where professionalism, mutual respect, and accountability are upheld. Pettiness, gossip, and political scheming only weaken institutions and erode trust. History often remembers leaders not for the crises they inherit, but for the character they display in response. In paying the 2025 Christmas bonus, Governor Fubara chose legacy over impulse, maturity over malice.
And so, it came to pass that focus defeated revenge, governance triumphed over bitterness, and Rivers State was reminded that true leadership is proven when restraint is expected least but delivered most. Beyond the symbolism of the Christmas bonus lies a deeper question about the kind of political culture Rivers State intends to cultivate in the years ahead. Periods of emergency rule, anywhere in the world, often leave behind residues of suspicion, fear, and silent realignments. Institutions do not emerge untouched; individuals recalibrate loyalties, some out of conviction, others out of self-preservation. What distinguishes stable democracies from fragile ones is not the absence of such moments, but the discipline with which leadership manages their aftermath. River.
King Onunwor
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Opinion

That Withdrawal of Police   Orderlies  From VIPs

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Quote:”Balancing VIP security with public safety remains a tightrope walk in a country where the majority of citizens are still under-protected.”
The Presidential announcement on the removal of police orderlies from persons in authority and their relations  ( Very Important Persons ) last month came as a relief to many Nigerians who felt deprived    of one major  role of government ; security of lives and property.The higher  population of Nigerians  missed needed security because the VIPs and the VVIPs kept  retinue of Police Officers  totalling over 100 ,000 to  themselves and their family members as if they are all that matter  while some  communities under attack of terrorists  have no single unit of  police station located there in. While many hailed the announcement , some said perhaps the government has just woken up to her major responsibility of securing the lives and property of all  citizens while many expressed indifference on the note that it may be one of those pronouncements which come only in words but no action .Many keep their fingers crossed watching how it will play out , how Mr President  will  go about the implementation of the seemingly dicey  policy .
Benjamin Franklin  said “well said is better than well done ”  It is sufficient today to say that many Nigerians including me are still waiting and watching to see  how well  and how long this  return  of the Police service to the ordinary people will go . Wishing hopes will not be crashed ,  It  is note worthy, that  the recent complaints by the VIPs of being exposed to attacks  may in a way affect the action on implementation. Recently, at Senate plenary , another worrisome  angle came up as Senator Abdul Ningi  coming through a motion    disclosed that he had only one police officer attached to him ( his office ) and that  the officer was recalled the week before following  Mr President’s directive  . Senator Ningi said the withdrawal exposed him to high risks but underscored the angle that while his orderly  was recalled , many other politicians , men  and women in authority, business concerns   foreigners  and even children of some  VIPs are still enjoying retinue of police protection ( officially attached to them ).
 It’s note  worthy also that the Deputy Senate President , Distinguished Senator Jibrin Barau,  who presided  over  the session revealed that the  leadership of both chambers are already in discussion with President Tinubu on the need  to exempt  the law makers  from the new policy .  Senator Ningi may not be  wrong . After all he emphasized he is okay  provided that the removal of the Police Orderlies be done across board . Senator Barau noted that talks are on  over the issue of law makers’    in line with international practice . Further details from the Presidency  noted  that   Presiding officers  will retain their  police officers ,  others would have Civil Defense  officers ( NSCDC) as orderlies while  any other VIP who feels he or she deserves personal police protection should get clearance from  his office . In the midst of all  issues weighing in on the proper implementation , it becomes necessary  to bear in mind that  the decision  hinges on  the realization that Nigeria has peculiar security issues (of kidnappings, banditry, and terrorism.) and that  majority of Nigerians   are under protected.
More so, that if well  implemented, Police officers will focus on core duties; even as 30,000 new police officers are to  recruited to enhance security .That implementation  must be made in a  way that leaves no room.for selective  treatment loss of confidence  and  controversies.  Looking at previous attempts of  implementation  of this policy  gives faint hope  as several  attempts consistently failed . Former  IGPs like Tafa Balogun (2003), Ogbonnaya Onovo (2009), and Ibrahim Idris (2018) tried  the policy but all  failed due to political resistance from various angles. All the failed attempts  were tied to lack of political will  mostly due to the fact that the directives came from police chiefs, not the president. Selective Enforcement was another killer to the policy  as  partial implementation  met  resistance   and   later  reversal . Egbetokun (2023) and Adamu (2020) saw minimal impact.
Further more entrenched corruption in the system saw  Politicians and VIPs quietly regain police escorts due to ‘transactional economics”and pressure. Worse still the mindset of the  police officers  withdrawn didn’t help the policy Underpaid police prioritize VIP duties for extra benefits. Many wish President Tinubu’s move can  break this cycle.  As at today, he  still  insists the move is non-negotiable while stressing collaboration with states to upgrade training facilities. As citizens look forward to  success of the policy  without undue exposure of both sides, balancing VIP security with public safety remains a tightrope walk. Talk fades ; action echoes.  How the Presidency  implements this policy.  has  much to tell on the governments stand on national / community  security , choice of priority and the ability to   stand uncomprised . The known  goal is clear:  The outcome is  not yet certain.  Fingers crossed , we await . Definitely , time will tell.
By: Nneka Amaechi-Nnadi.
s State stood at such a crossroads in September 2025. The temptation to rule with a long memory and a heavy hand was real. Yet, the choice made signaled a preference for healing over hardening. Leadership after crisis demands more than administrative competence; it requires moral clarity.
 Governor Fubara’s decision reminded the state that authority is not best exercised through silent punishment or selective generosity. Rather, it is strengthened when rules remain rules, irrespective of personal injury. By keeping faith with workers, the government preserved an essential firewall between politics and public service. That firewall, once breached, turns governance into a battlefield where livelihoods become weapons. Rivers State narrowly avoided that descent. In doing so, it affirmed that institutions must outlive tempers, and governance must not mirror the bitterness of political seasons. This moment also invites sober introspection within the civil service itself. Allegations of partisanship, if left unresolved, corrode professionalism and weaken public confidence. A civil service that drifts into political camps loses its moral authority and operational effectiveness.
Therefore, reform, where necessary, should be guided by due process, transparency, and institutional review—not whispers, witch-hunts, or mob verdicts. Accountability strengthens systems when it is fair; it destroys them when it is arbitrary. The restraint shown by the executive places a corresponding burden on administrative leadership to restore discipline, neutrality, and pride in public service. For the wider political class and the commentariat, the episode serves as a caution against normalizing cruelty as strategy. The eagerness with which some anticipated workers’ suffering revealed a dangerous appetite for scorched-earth politics. When governance becomes a spectator sport where pain is cheered and deprivation is weaponized, society inches toward moral exhaustion. Rivers State has seen enough turbulence to know that stability is not sustained by triumphalism, but by restraint.
The lesson is simple yet profound: power is fleeting, but institutions endure; leaders pass, but precedents remain. In the end, the payment of the 2025 Christmas bonus was more than a fiscal act—it was a civic statement. It told workers they were not expendable. It told political actors that revenge would not be policy. And it told the state that maturity in leadership is not weakness, but strength under control. In a climate where many expected fire, restraint prevailed; where bitterness was predicted, balance emerged. Thus, Rivers State was offered a rare reminder that governance, at its best, is an act of discipline, and leadership, at its highest, is the courage to rise above provocation.
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