Editorial
Still On ASUU Strike
The ongoing warning strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has again put parents and students on edge across the country. The union had started a month-long strike to allow the Federal Government time to respond to concerns in the 2009 pact and others. If the warning strike turns into a real industrial action, the likelihood of another prolonged closure of public universities is a complete safeguard.
The university teachers’ union claimed that it was left with no choice but to down tools since the Federal Government had purposely declined to put into effect the indenture already signed by both bodies. Specifically, they rued the government’s refusal to implement February 7, 2019 memorandum of agreement, which contained imperative highlights of the 2009 pact, according to them.
Since 1999, ASUU has initiated as many as 15 strikes. Each time the academics downed tools, the reason comes off as the same – neglect of the ivory towers by successive governments. The Federal Government’s repudiation of the agreement it voluntarily entered into with the academics is clearly the source of the imbroglio. The union had renegotiated the pact and reassessed its demands for ease of implementation.
However, long after the renegotiated agreement was signed, it is yet to be effectuated, hence, the continued strike, which has been dealing a cataclysmic blow to quality education in our public varsities. While we are mindful of other contending demands on the authorities given lean resources, we are consternated by the missteps of the administration to actualise the agreement, at least piecemeal, to save the nation’s tertiary education from total collapse.
Without a doubt, the country’s higher education system is in a profound crisis and the government is mainly to blame. It underfunds its tertiary institutions, almost totally abandons research, interferes with their operation and rewards mediocrity. It coalesces all this by establishing more institutions even when the funds to run them are unavailable and enters into pacts with ASUU and other associations to increase funding and emoluments only to renege. This is a template for disorder.
ASUU said the Federal Government had, last December, agreed to replace the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS) software with which it pays federal employees with the University Transparency and Accountability Solution (UTAS) developed by the union. The agreement was sealed to end the prolonged strike by the lecturers, who opposed the IPPIS being used for dons.
IPPIS was rejected on the grounds that it did not take into account particularities such as earned academic allowances, consultancy services and multiple teaching tasks associated with the university system. Consequently, the government agreed to adopt UTAS, release N22.17 billion for earned allowances by October last year, and another N30 billion to revitalise the dilapidated federal universities, another long-running demand of ASUU.
But the UTAS option failed because, according to the Finance Minister, Zainab Ahmed, the Federal Government was awaiting advice from the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) on the adoption of the payment device. This is consistent with sustained official bad faith. Why agree to adopt UTAS only to turn around a year later and claim to be awaiting advice?
Obviously, in dealing with labour-related issues, the only language the Nigerian government understands is a strike. As a result, the nation has been routinely inundated with industrial actions by various unions, primarily to demand better working conditions. Regrettably, various interventions by esteemed stakeholders have been unavailing. Both sides in this never-ending dispute must deepen dialogue.
The system has lost about 50 months cumulatively. Nigerian universities have wasted a year every five years since 1999. From a five-month strike at the start of the Fourth Republic, to three months in 2001, two weeks in 2002 and six months in 2003, there were similar closures every year from 2005 to 2012. Others in 2013, 2017 and 2018 consolidated gains such as separate salary structure, increase in the retirement age of professors and a promise to improve university funding.
Under President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, ASUU had shut down universities for an aggregate of 13 months by December, 2020, compared with an additive 18 months under Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007) and 13 months under Goodluck Jonathan (2010–2015). Since the nation is on the eve of an election year, Nigerians can do well to vote only candidates that have a favourable proclivity towards the development of the education sector.
A university stands to meet national goals and provides experts in all fields. In an egressing economy, it should be well funded, staffed and equipped. Federal and state governments should set up and maintain only the universities they can fund. In the First Republic, universities and colleges founded by deceased regional governments met this criterion, allowing them to run institutions of global specification, which fascinated students all over the world.
There is a need for ASUU to scrutinise and expose the enormous corruption of its members. There is no doubt that the union cannot exonerate its members from unethical, unprofessional and illegal practices, such as certificate scandal, exam-related malpractice, sexual harassment and money-for-grades commonly called “sorting”, among other factors. These ills have brought the university system to its knees. Therefore, the union must unclutter its house before denouncing the government for the blight in the nation’s universities.
Any union can easily advance many reasons to strike in Nigeria, given the high level of poor governance in the country. But ASUU needs to change its approach and become more conscientious. Shutting down universities because of the whimsy of a government simply victimises innocent students and their parents. As scholars, they should think of more persuasive and innovative ways of protest to attenuate the misery of the blameless.
Editorial
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Editorial
WPFD: Nigeria’s Defining Test
Nigeria stands at a critical juncture as the world marked World Press Freedom Day (WPFD) on May 3. This annual observance is a reminder that a free press is central to democratic life, good governance, and public accountability. For Nigeria, it is also a moment for sober reflection on how far the country has come and how far it still has to go in safeguarding the independence of its media.
World Press Freedom Day exists to highlight the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and to honour journalists who risk their lives in pursuit of truth. It underscores the idea that without a free press, societies cannot function transparently, nor can citizens make informed decisions. In countries like Nigeria, where democracy continues to evolve, the observance carries particular urgency.
This year’s theme, “Shaping a Future at Peace: Promoting Press Freedom for Human Rights, Development and Security”, places journalism at the heart of global stability. It emphasises that a peaceful society cannot be built on silence, fear, or manipulated information. Rather, it depends on the free flow of accurate, timely, and independent reporting.
At its core, the theme highlights the role of journalism in fostering accountability, dialogue, and trust. These are not abstract ideals. In Nigeria, where public confidence in institutions is often fragile, the media remains one of the few platforms through which citizens can question authority and demand transparency. When press freedom declines, so too does public trust.
Journalism serves as a foundation for peace, security, and economic recovery. Countries with robust media systems tend to attract greater investment, maintain stronger institutions, and resolve conflicts more effectively. Nigeria’s economic challenges, ranging from inflation to unemployment, require open scrutiny and informed debate, both of which depend on a free press.
However, the issue of information integrity has become increasingly complex in the digital age. Artificial Intelligence (AI) and online platforms have amplified the spread of misinformation and disinformation. In Nigeria, where internet penetration has grown rapidly, false narratives can travel faster than verified facts. This makes the role of credible journalism more vital than ever.
The challenge is not only technological but also ethical. AI-driven manipulation of information threatens to distort public discourse, influence elections, and deepen social divisions. In such an environment, professional journalism must act as a stabilising force, ensuring that truth prevails over sensationalism and propaganda.
Equally troubling is the safety of journalists. Across Nigeria, reporters face growing levels of online harassment, judicial intimidation, and physical threats. Self-censorship is becoming more common, as media practitioners weigh the risks of reporting sensitive issues. This trend undermines the very essence of journalism.
A particularly alarming incident involved a serving minister in the present administration, who openly threatened to shoot a journalist during a televised exchange. Such conduct, broadcast to the public, sends a dangerous signal that hostility towards the press is acceptable. It erodes the norms of democratic engagement and places journalists in harm’s way.
This year’s theme aligns closely with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (SDG)16, which promotes peace, justice, and strong institutions. Freedom of expression is a cornerstone of this goal. Without it, institutions weaken, corruption thrives, and justice becomes elusive. Nigeria’s commitment to SDG 16 must therefore include genuine protection for the media.
Historically, the Nigerian press has been a formidable force. From resisting colonial rule to challenging military dictatorships, our journalists have played a central role in shaping the nation’s political landscape. Today, however, that legacy appears to be under strain, as the media operates under what can best be described as a veneer of freedom.
Beneath this facade lies a troubling reality. Journalists are routinely harassed, detained, and prosecuted for performing their constitutional duties. Reports from media watchdogs indicate that dozens of Nigerian journalists face legal threats or arrest each year, often for exposing corruption or criticising those in power.
The Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act of 2015 has become a focal point of concern. Originally intended to combat cyber threats, it has increasingly been used to silence dissent. Sections 24 and 27(1)(b), in particular, have been invoked to target journalists, bloggers, and social commentators.
Although amendments introduced in February 2024 were meant to safeguard journalists, concerns persist. The law continues to be wielded in ways that stifle investigative reporting and restrict freedom of expression. Legal reforms must go beyond cosmetic changes to address the root causes of misuse.
To safeguard the future of journalism in Nigeria, decisive action is required. The Cybercrimes Act must be revisited to ensure it cannot be weaponised against the press. Law enforcement agencies must operate free from political influence, upholding the rule of law and protecting journalists’ rights. Civil society and international partners must also strengthen independent media through funding, training, and platforms for wider reach.
In this rapidly evolving world shaped by artificial intelligence and digital innovation, Nigeria faces a clear choice. It can either allow press freedom to erode under pressure, or it can champion a truly independent media landscape. The path it chooses will determine not only the future of journalism, but also the strength of its democracy and the peace it seeks to build.
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