Editorial
New Electoral Act: Time To Act
Within days of the passage of the 2021 Electoral (amendment) Bill by the National Assembly, it became immediately discernible that the Presidency was not predisposed to the provision making it obligatory for political parties to determine their candidates only through direct primaries. What followed, however, was the outsourcing of responsibility rather than an endeavour to find a remedy.
It was at first recounted that the President had written to the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Mahmood Yakubu, for his counsel. And then the Attorney General of the Federation and Justice Minister, Abubakar Malami, SAN, or his agents revealed a memo he transmitted to the President, imploring him to decline assent.
If those actions were made up to sequestrate the President, Muhammadu Buhari, from the decision he conclusively made, they were unsavoury or forlorn. At the very least, they made him look doddering and the decision-making process at the highest level of government in this country somewhat indiscreet.
By withholding assent to the Electoral Act (amendment) Bill, Buhari had brandished his veto power, an effective apparatus that usually blocks innovation in Nigeria rather than offer practical leadership on very significant matters. Sadly, this is the fifth time Buhari has frustrated the move to amend the Electoral Act, notwithstanding the platitudes about election candour.
If Buhari were better served, the dummy amendment would not have been introduced in the first place. Section 87 of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) already contains both direct and indirect primaries, leaving the option for the parties. What the House of Representatives merely did was eliminate the term “indirect”, making it mandatory that party candidates be designated by direct primaries.
However, the Senate never considered it needful to amend the provision in its version and did not concur to it until after the harmonisation conference between both legislative chambers. So, all the dissension being crusaded by the Presidency could painlessly have been conciliated at the point when the joint committee of the two legislative houses was rounding off on the bill.
Given that the current leadership of the National Assembly works closely with the Presidency, it was thought that a consensus could have been reached before the bill was passed. And the veto that dangerously threatens other provisions critical to the translucency of elections in the country would not have been required.
For a man who assumed office on the robust emplacement of technology in the electoral process, it is tough to stick up for President Buhari and the cold-hearted manner he has dealt with the Electoral Act. On four occasions in 2018, the President scandalously denied assent to new alterations.
At that time, the insinuation was that he and his party felt ill at ease with certain provisions, such as the instantaneous conveyance of voting results from polling units to collation centres and authorisation for INEC to utilise full biometric accreditation of voters with smart card readers and other technological devices.
Now, again, Buhari has embargoed the amendment bill as submitted by the National Assembly on November 19, 2021, taking us back, all of a sudden, to 2018 when he held back assent to the Electoral Act (amendment) Bill because the nation lacked the luxury of time to enable relevant institutions to implement the reforms.
Thankfully, the federal legislature has re-worked, for a second time, the bill to include provisions, which expressly mark out the manner of primaries for political parties. While the Senate re-amended the Act, approving direct, indirect primaries or consensus for political parties in selecting their candidates, the House adopted only the direct or indirect and left out the consensus method. The lower house eventually bowed to the Senate in favour of a consensus model.
Having harmonised and passed both versions of the bill into law, we impel the National Assembly to forward the amended legislation to the President for assent without further delay to enable INEC to quickly publish the timetable and itinerary of activities for the 2023 general elections based on the amended law. Since Buhari has evidenced keenness to assent to the bill if the belligerent direct primary clause was withdrawn, he should deliver on his promise.
In January 2019, at the embarkation of the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential campaign council in Abuja, Buhari had guaranteed to leave a patrimony of credible elections, describing the same as the cornerstone of political stability and peace in any nation. Indeed, the President’s search for an enduring legacy promptly finds one in the Electoral Act (amendment) Bill.
No well-intentioned politician should be apprehensive of electronic transmission of results or people’s involvement in a democracy that is all about openness and a verisimilar process. The last American presidential election was an excellent illustration of electronic transmission of results that gave real-time instant results and to the knowledge of all, without occasion for behind-the-scenes manipulation of result sheets or its hijack on the road.
The burden is, therefore, on Mr President to turn down the self-serving arguments of scoundrels in his party and elsewhere against the Electoral Act (amendment) Bill, sign it into law and write his name in gold. That way, he would have instituted one of his endowments and effected his commitment to free, fair and credible elections in 2023.
Editorial
NCC, Save Nigerians From Exploitation
Editorial
WPFD: Nigeria’s Defining Test
Nigeria stands at a critical juncture as the world marked World Press Freedom Day (WPFD) on May 3. This annual observance is a reminder that a free press is central to democratic life, good governance, and public accountability. For Nigeria, it is also a moment for sober reflection on how far the country has come and how far it still has to go in safeguarding the independence of its media.
World Press Freedom Day exists to highlight the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and to honour journalists who risk their lives in pursuit of truth. It underscores the idea that without a free press, societies cannot function transparently, nor can citizens make informed decisions. In countries like Nigeria, where democracy continues to evolve, the observance carries particular urgency.
This year’s theme, “Shaping a Future at Peace: Promoting Press Freedom for Human Rights, Development and Security”, places journalism at the heart of global stability. It emphasises that a peaceful society cannot be built on silence, fear, or manipulated information. Rather, it depends on the free flow of accurate, timely, and independent reporting.
At its core, the theme highlights the role of journalism in fostering accountability, dialogue, and trust. These are not abstract ideals. In Nigeria, where public confidence in institutions is often fragile, the media remains one of the few platforms through which citizens can question authority and demand transparency. When press freedom declines, so too does public trust.
Journalism serves as a foundation for peace, security, and economic recovery. Countries with robust media systems tend to attract greater investment, maintain stronger institutions, and resolve conflicts more effectively. Nigeria’s economic challenges, ranging from inflation to unemployment, require open scrutiny and informed debate, both of which depend on a free press.
However, the issue of information integrity has become increasingly complex in the digital age. Artificial Intelligence (AI) and online platforms have amplified the spread of misinformation and disinformation. In Nigeria, where internet penetration has grown rapidly, false narratives can travel faster than verified facts. This makes the role of credible journalism more vital than ever.
The challenge is not only technological but also ethical. AI-driven manipulation of information threatens to distort public discourse, influence elections, and deepen social divisions. In such an environment, professional journalism must act as a stabilising force, ensuring that truth prevails over sensationalism and propaganda.
Equally troubling is the safety of journalists. Across Nigeria, reporters face growing levels of online harassment, judicial intimidation, and physical threats. Self-censorship is becoming more common, as media practitioners weigh the risks of reporting sensitive issues. This trend undermines the very essence of journalism.
A particularly alarming incident involved a serving minister in the present administration, who openly threatened to shoot a journalist during a televised exchange. Such conduct, broadcast to the public, sends a dangerous signal that hostility towards the press is acceptable. It erodes the norms of democratic engagement and places journalists in harm’s way.
This year’s theme aligns closely with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (SDG)16, which promotes peace, justice, and strong institutions. Freedom of expression is a cornerstone of this goal. Without it, institutions weaken, corruption thrives, and justice becomes elusive. Nigeria’s commitment to SDG 16 must therefore include genuine protection for the media.
Historically, the Nigerian press has been a formidable force. From resisting colonial rule to challenging military dictatorships, our journalists have played a central role in shaping the nation’s political landscape. Today, however, that legacy appears to be under strain, as the media operates under what can best be described as a veneer of freedom.
Beneath this facade lies a troubling reality. Journalists are routinely harassed, detained, and prosecuted for performing their constitutional duties. Reports from media watchdogs indicate that dozens of Nigerian journalists face legal threats or arrest each year, often for exposing corruption or criticising those in power.
The Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act of 2015 has become a focal point of concern. Originally intended to combat cyber threats, it has increasingly been used to silence dissent. Sections 24 and 27(1)(b), in particular, have been invoked to target journalists, bloggers, and social commentators.
Although amendments introduced in February 2024 were meant to safeguard journalists, concerns persist. The law continues to be wielded in ways that stifle investigative reporting and restrict freedom of expression. Legal reforms must go beyond cosmetic changes to address the root causes of misuse.
To safeguard the future of journalism in Nigeria, decisive action is required. The Cybercrimes Act must be revisited to ensure it cannot be weaponised against the press. Law enforcement agencies must operate free from political influence, upholding the rule of law and protecting journalists’ rights. Civil society and international partners must also strengthen independent media through funding, training, and platforms for wider reach.
In this rapidly evolving world shaped by artificial intelligence and digital innovation, Nigeria faces a clear choice. It can either allow press freedom to erode under pressure, or it can champion a truly independent media landscape. The path it chooses will determine not only the future of journalism, but also the strength of its democracy and the peace it seeks to build.
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