Editorial
Implement NDDC Audit Report
At last, the long-awaited forensic audit report on the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) has been submitted to President Muhammadu Buhari by the Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Senator Godswill Akpabio. The report was received on behalf of the President on September 2, 2021 by the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami.
The earth-shattering revelation in the document is remarkably a confirmation of the long-held view of many informed Nigerians that NDDC is undoubtedly a cesspool of corruption. How can an interventionist agency have 362 unchecked bank accounts, 13,777 abandoned projects and present no more than the value of N6trilion? It is reprehensible and unpalatable. The perpetrators must be named, shamed, and prosecuted.
According to Malami, “It is on record that between 2001 and 2019, the Federal Government approved N3, 375,735,776,794.93 as budgetary allocation and N2,420,948,894,191.00 as Income from Statutory and Non-Statutory sources, which brings the total figure to the sum of approximately six trillion naira given to the Niger Delta Development Commission.”
The Justice Minister further declared, “The Federal Government is particularly concerned with the colossal loss occasioned by uncompleted and unverified development projects in the Niger Delta region, despite the huge resources made available to uplift the living standards of the citizens. We have on record over 13,777 projects, the execution of which is substantially compromised. The Federal Government is also concerned with the multitudes of Niger Delta Development Commission’s bank accounts amounting to 362 and lack of proper reconciliation of accounts.”
However, it is essential to note that budget allocation does not automatically mean that the total amount is backed by cash and remitted to the commission. Therefore, the claim that N6trillion budget allocation was squandered may be misrepresenting, unless there is evidence to the contrary. Malami should audaciously disclose the amount paid to NDDC from the overall budget during the period under review.
Notwithstanding, it requires to be understood how the mega interventionist agency has transformed into a cash cow for several Niger Delta elite who have been diverting contracts, imposing huge mobilisation fees and refusing to execute the task or, provide low quality projects. Several news reports abound how successive NDDC managers colluded with compelling interest groups to purloin the commission’s finances.
During the House of Representatives investigation of the agency last year, Akpabio dropped a blockbuster, asserting that some members of the National Assembly were among the biggest recipients of NDDC contracts. This disclosure led to the infamous “shut down the mic” comment, as the coordinator of the investigation team frantically struggled to forestall further consideration of the matter.
This incident shows that the federal lawmakers who should ensure adequate oversight of the agency are themselves heavily compromised. They employed their lofty positions to award contracts to themselves and their acquaintances and failed to honour the deals. This self-fulfilling and self-inflating conduct is part of our public service challenge.
While the NDDC was going through a forensic audit, the provisional administration, later dismissed by the court last year, was busy supporting families with outrageous expenses for palliative care related to Covid-19. According to media reports, the interim management committee headed by Ms Joy Nunieh and Professor Kemebradikumo Pondei spent N81.5 billion over five months.
So far, there is very little information about the forensic audit report. Nigerians deserve to know how much of the agency’s pecuniary resource has been misappropriated, how much should be refunded, and by whom. If there is no official information, this will provide capacity for rumours and fictitious news. At the very least, the summary of the report should be published to enable the public to know the undertakers.
Those indicted in the report must not be treated like the six Nigerians convicted and sentenced to jail terms by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) for financing Boko Haram, but later deported to Nigeria. While the government of the UAE has named the convicts, the identity of a Nigerian government official involved in sponsoring the terrorist group has yet to be revealed by the Nigerian authorities. Likewise, no action has been taken against the 400 alleged Boko Haram financiers arrested at the start of the year. It is unclear why they have not been prosecuted.
Buhari should muster the political will and rare candour to fulfill his pledge to, without hesitation, strategically implement all aspects of the audit report to promote probity and greater prosperity for the Niger Delta region and Nigeria as a whole. Anything less is unsatisfactory. The Office of the Attorney General of the Federation, whose task it is, should prepare a plan of action to achieve the implementation promised by the President.
Among the immediate steps indicated, which Nigerians earnestly await, is his execution scheme, consisting of, but not narrowed to “initiation of criminal investigations, prosecution, recovery of funds not properly utilised for the public purposes for which they were meant”. This includes the review of the NDDC Act to facilitate the provision of better services by the commission. The starting point will be to make the report available to all Nigerians and to engage civil society organisations in its execution with a view to strengthening transparency.
Expectedly, Governors of states in the South-South region have given fillip to this stance as they have urged the Federal Government to ensure that the report of the forensic audit is not swept under the carpet.
The governors, under the aegis of the BRACED Council, in a six point communiqué issued at the end of its meeting at the Government House, Port Harcourt last Monday, expressed the hope that the Federal Government would make the forensic audit report on the NDDC public and be courageous enough to deal justly and fairly with the report with a view to strengthening the capacity of NDDC to meet its obligations to the people of the region. This is indeed a wise counsel the Federal Government should not fail to heed.
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
