Opinion
The Disorder We Order
This piece is based on anecdotes of the experience of two individuals in Rivers State separated by the 20 years between the Second and Fourth Republics. The objective is to explain, not justify, certain behaviors from the perspective of what society inadvertently orders based on the actions of authority figures and the docility of civil society. The first anecdote is my personal experience in the political arena during the Second Republic while the second deals with the undercurrents that Rivers State was embroiled in during the 2019 general elections as a result of the resolve of Rt. Honourable Chibuike Amaechi to unseat his bosom friend, Governor Nyesom Wike, from office. This is an endeavour in psychoanalysis; the commonality of the behaviours in the anecdotes is what to ruminate on towards avoiding ordering disorder in future.
From rock musicianship during the late 1960s to early 1970s, I navigated through Radio Nigeria, Port Harcourt as a disc jockey, had a brief stint at College of Education, Oromineke and travelled to the US in 1973 for further studies. Returning in November 1979, Hon. Engr. Victor Masi, then Minister of Works, introduced me to Governor Melford Okilo who directed that I be appointed General Manager of Rivers State Newspaper Corporation but was advised otherwise as a result of the mandatory National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme; I was, therefore, deployed as Senior Special Assistant (SSA) to the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), allocated an official car and moved into Suite 459, Hotel Presidential, Port Harcourt where I took residence for the service year. My immediate boss (Prof William W. Ogionwo) assigned me to cover Executive Council (EXCO) matters, which required that I attend EXCO meetings with him; a rather meteoric rise in the system.
At 11.00am every Wednesday, the governor, his deputy, commissioners and those of us who were executive messengers, gathered in the Banquet Hall and had brunch during which we chatted and quipped virtually at status parity before settling down to business. At EXCO, I sat behind my boss and to my left sat a consummate gentleman by name Boma G.E. Charles who was Permanent Secretary (Cabinet) and so sat behind the Head of Service (HOS), Chief Ekuku Wokocha. Incidentally, it was Mr. Charles who, as Permanent Secretary (Education) and Chairman of Scholarship Board, signed my scholarship documents in 1973; the account of that fateful day belongs in another episode and there I was sitting next to him in functional parity. Again, in the political plans of succession of National Party of Nigeria (NPN), a few young people were being groomed for various positions in the future; I was slated for SSG come 1987. Naturally, my pituitary gland started expanding, illusions of grandeur set in and I started floating in the clouds with a bloated sense of self-worth, so to speak.
At breakfast one morning, the manager of Hotel Presidential whispered that I should bring back the monthly renewal paper. Prof Ogionwo was out of town and so I took the paper to the HOS who had equal mandate. He looked at it, looked at me and wrote “No” on the paper and circled it with red ink. For a second, I was confused; so, I went back to my office and sat, head in hand. Shortly thereafter, Precious Ngelali, who I introduced to the hotel arrangement, strolled by with his Caucasian wife, greeted and said he was going to see my “brother” (HOS and I are from the same place) for the usual paper. I did not want to discourage him, so I said “good luck buddy.” In less than 10 minutes, Ngelali swung by with the paper signed. Goodness gracious!!! I was livid with rage. Just then, my secretary rushed in and announced that SSG needed my attention. Gladly, I rushed to him, welcomed him, quickly tidied up his directives, reproduced the monthly approval paper and he signed. That did it. I stormed into the HOS’s office, showed him the approval and said so many unprintable things to him. Everybody in the room scampered for a hiding place while he and I engaged in a shouting match in English and Ogba. It took the timely intervention of Captain Elechi Amadi, who I had become acquainted with, to take me out of the office.
Now, think of it: a youth corper?! A bloody blinking youth corper?! In a shouting match with the HOS?! Unthinkable! I had not even entered the first rung of the bureaucratic hierarchy while the HOS was at the apex of the structure. We were worlds apart in the system but, for me, the system and its structure did not exist; I had not been groomed in the norms and culture of the bureaucratic system, so it did not exist.
That was 1980; fast forward to 1999. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi held no job in any formal organization in the strict sense of the term; so, from nowhere, so to speak, he contested for election into Rivers State House of Assembly and lost, according to the Electoral Commission. However, he went to court, was declared winner and, subsequently, elected the Speaker of the House. Following eight years of Speakership, he vied for gubernatorial candidacy of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), won but was set aside in the K-Leg saga; his kinsman, Barr Celestine Omehia, took his place and was elected Governor of Rivers State. However, Amaechi went to court and was declared winner in total disregard of the “vote and be voted for” requirement of the electoral law; he was sworn in as Governor of Rivers State. So, Amaechi was taught that the way to the apex of the superstructures of public office is by undermining the system.
In summation, the two dramatis personae shared exactly the same bloated state of mind as a result of their meteoric rise in the system; the difference is in the circumstances: whereas the effrontery and outburst of the youth corper were limited to the Office of the Head of Service, the latter case resulted in state-wide insecurity, the death of so many people and the near violation of the vote. In either case, the point is that when you take someone who never held any employment in a formal organization and undermine the system by hoisting him on the structure, you have succeeded in exploding his pituitary and thus creating a superman that would have no regard whatsoever for the processes and procedures of the system.
The gospel truth is that in the two instances, the system was undermined resulting in the aberrant behaviour of the beneficiaries. It is therefore recommended thus: (1) appointees to political positions should have certain basic experience or be subjected to seminars and psychological reprogramming at the takeoff of the appointment and (2) granted that there are requirements for election into the legislature, there should also be certain other stringent requirements for appointment to the position of Speaker, given the strategic position of the office. The second recommendation will, naturally, raise the bar for entry into the legislature as most constituencies would desire to field candidates who possess the requisite qualification for Speakership; it will therefore create room for more qualitative, mature and circumspect individuals and, hopefully, guard against our ordering disorder in the future.
Dr Osai lectures at the Rivers State University, PH.
Jason Osai
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform
Opinion
As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm
-
Politics4 days agoWhy Reno Omokri Should Be Dropped From Ambassadorial List – Arabambi
-
Politics4 days agoPDP Vows Legal Action Against Rivers Lawmakers Over Defection
-
Sports4 days agoNigeria, Egypt friendly Hold Dec 16
-
Politics4 days agoRIVERS PEOPLE REACT AS 17 PDP STATE LAWMAKERS MOVE TO APC
-
Sports4 days agoNSC hails S’Eagles Captain Troost-Ekong
-
Oil & Energy4 days agoNCDMB Unveils $100m Equity Investment Scheme, Says Nigerian Content Hits 61% In 2025 ………As Board Plans Technology Challenge, Research and Development Fair In 2026
-
Politics4 days agoWithdraw Ambassadorial List, It Lacks Federal Character, Ndume Tells Tinubu
-
Sports4 days agoFRSC Wins 2025 Ardova Handball Premier League
