Editorial
Addressing Varsities’ Non-Academic Staff’ Grievances
For about three months, non-academic activities have remained paralysed in public universities in Nigeria due to the industrial action embarked upon by the three non-academic staff unions in the universities since December 4, 2017.
The Joint Action Committee (JAC) of Non-Academic Staff Union of Universities (NASU), Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU) and Non-Academic Association of Technologists (NAAT) directed members of the unions to down tools, citing the Federal Government’s inability to resolve issues surrounding their earned allowances.
While the unions allege that the federal authorities violated agreements reached with them, they also accused the Federal Government of lopsided and unfair allocation of funds meant for the universities in favour of their sister union, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU).
According to the non-academic staff unions, of the N23 billion released by the Federal Government, ASUU alone cornered N18 billion, leaving just N5 billion to the rest of the unions in the federal and State universities.
When confronted with the issue, the Minister of Education, Adamu Adamu, only said that the Federal Government was sourcing for funds and waiting for presidential response to address all the issues raised by the unions.
The Tide thinks that the Federal Government has not acted in good faith by not attending to this issue with the seriousness it deserves. We recall that a meeting summoned by the National Assembly to find lasting solution to the problem could not hold because of the non-attendance of the minister.
We urge the Federal Government to, without further delay, take urgent steps to address the demands of the striking workers in order to save the country more embarrassment and ensure a proper and conducive learning environment for our children in tertiary institutions.
Even though academic activities have not been disrupted by the strike, it is only a matter of time before the entire system grinds to a halt as other duties and functions outside the purview of the academic staff are currently left undone. Already, such programmes and activities as Post UTME, Senate meetings and even semester examinations are being affected by the absence of the non-academic staff at their duty posts.
It is sad that government at all levels in our country has not shown enough commitment to the development of the education sector. Apart from consistent miserable budgetary provision which contributes to the poor standard of the nation’s education, disruptions in the academic calendar of the universities have not only battered our image in the international community but have also driven many of our young people to go to school outside the country. Of course, this does not only amount to capital flight but also the importation of unwholesome foreign cultures and influences.
While we think that the Federal Government needs to evolve a holistic solution in addressing the myriad of issues plaguing the education sector in the country, we also advise the government to resist the temptation of adopting measures that seem to create divisions, instead of fostering cohesion, amongst its employees.
Giving ASUU preferential treatment over and above other unions in the same system is divisive and therefore, should not have been the way to go. Yet, this is the same method usually adopted by the government in addressing issues in the medical sector between doctors and other health workers.
On its part, ASUU, in our view, should have considered the needs of their sister unions in their negotiations and eventual disbursement of the released funds from the Federal Government in the spirit of live-and let- live. Of course, the university system cannot run with the academic staff alone and that is why the interests of all stakeholders must be taken care at all times.
Finally, while we urge more synergy and solidarity among the staff unions in the universities, we also implore the Federal Government to quickly provide the funds necessary to resolve this crisis and avoid more disruptions in the academic calendar of the nation’s universities.
Editorial
2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order
As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.
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