Editorial
Military Raids In Rivers Communities
For about a week, this month, many com
munities in Rivers State sat on the edge
for fears of possible military raid. Some actually received the baptism of fire and told tales of woe, protests, losses and the rape on their fundamental human rights.
Stories of the mode of operations and the sheer brutality exhibited elicited divergent comments across the state. In fact, it was alleged to have been masterminded by rival political parties. That the raid had raised a dust that will not clear overnight had become rather very clear.
But a press statement from the military tended to redirect the growing anger. The military had admitted carrying out the raid with orders from Abuja to mop-up arms in Rivers State. Until then, people had interpreted the use of masks by the attackers to mean attack from their enemies.
This is where the military could have inadvertently caused problem than peace in Rivers State. For legitimate authorities to go the way they did and the mayhem they unleashed could not have been traced to the Nigerian military that has a record of sound civil engagements.
The military had invaded Buguma, headquarters of Asari-Toru Local Government Area on January 6, 2016 and gone for some persons identified to be members of a particular political party. Reports from there indicate that houses were destroyed, including that of the chairman of the Caretaker Committee.
Before they left Buguma, no fewer than five young men were said to have lost their lives while about 50 persons, including men and women were taken away. In fact, for an eye witness, it was a replay of the Nigerian Civil War.
Gokana Local Government Area was also raided, where the home of one Chief Solomon Ndigbara was burnt, while his wife, children and 70 year old mother were taken away. A similar raid took place at Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area and the story is the same.
The Tide thinks that if these raids were actually carried out by the military, the level of violence inflicted on civilian population cannot be supported. The action of the attackers should raise ethical and professional concerns in the Nigerian military.
Indeed, the military also needs to purge itself of allegations of selective targeting with political colorations. At a time all hands are required to contribute to the strengthening of democracy in Nigeria, the military cannot afford to be seen in any other light.
By the use of face-masks during the raids, not only would the ordinary person see them as robbers, they have opened the way to enemies to attack each other in masks as they would be taken for the police or the military on duty. This is avoidable.
We think that all these negate the very principles of the Nigerian Constitution. In the first place, no one is guilty until after conviction. But to treat the people as criminals even when no case had been raised against them is a disgrace. To take anyone for the sins of another is illegal, but to take the family of one who had not been convicted is strange to our system.
While all well-meaning persons, including The Tide support the fight against corruption, criminality and aimless agitation, the repeated highhandedness of the military on the ordinary civilian has gone on enough. The apparent disregard for the rules of engagement on matters involving civilians should no longer be tolerated.
The Tide thinks that the military is even late in mopping up arms as the increase in the rate of robberies, kidnapping and community clashes could have been averted. Indeed, the best time to do the mop-up was immediately after the dis-arming of the Niger Delta militants.
The military owes it a duty to make our streets and towns free of guns, but they must be seen to be professional, impartial and humane. They need to consider the image of the military and Nigeria as a whole. Above all, their operations should not be allowed to trigger another crisis in the Niger Delta.
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Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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