Opinion
A Pyrrhic Victory?
The electoral body in Zimbabwe shocked Zimbabweans who have been yawning for a change of leadership and indeed the international community when it announced the result of a recently-conducted election and declared the ageless President Robert Mugabe winner for the 7th time.
The 89-year old president of the Southern African country and the leader of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) contested the election on the platform of his party.
According to the result released by the electoral body, ZANU-PF got 61.09 per cent of the total votes cast on the July 31 election to beat his perennial rival and Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangarai, of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The prime minister, widely believed to be an ally of Western powers, scored 34 percent of the votes.
Besides the presidential election which Mugabe won, his party secured 160 parliamentary seats against the 49 won by the rival MDC. This victory apparently positions the ZANU-PF party to tinker with the constitution and possibly legalize Mugabe’s ambition to be life president.
Expectedly, the opposition MDC has rejected the result and described it as a complete sham. Apart from the era of the late opposition leader, Mr. Joshua Nkomo, this electoral defeat has been described as the heaviest in the elections held in that country in recent times.
Some observers have partially blamed the massive defeat suffered by MDC on its ill preparedness. They reasoned that the candidate of the opposition party might after all be a wrong choice as he had featured severally and hence lost political value.
But a more worrisome problem was the pre-election protest by the MDC against the process leading to the election which appeared skewed in favour of President Mugabe’s party. Issues were raised about the authenticity of the voters’ register. While the electoral body claimed that only 300,000 voters were denied voting on election day, the opposition put the actual figure of those disenfranchised at approximately 900,000. The country’s electoral authorities also said about another 200,000 voters had to be “assisted”, an act which has been interpreted to be a veiled reference to voter manipulation.
Considering the facts made available by the electoral body, it is possible that the 89-year old president might not have won as convincingly as his party claims. However, if the MDC heads to court as it threatens it will do, I am very optimistic that the party will not get the justice it seeks. Mugabe and his cohorts would emerge victorious from the court.
Regardless of what the court verdict might be, I believe the verdict given by the court of public opinion is what Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party have to contend with and the moral burden that comes with it. But even if the octogenarian won the election in less controversial circumstances, is it not a shame that in this modern era a man will rule a country for 33 years, when the nation is not under a monarchy?
When this tenure expires, Mugabe will be 95. By then he would have ruled Zimbabwe for 39 years. Unless he dies in the course of that tenure, there is still no guarantee that he would not go for an eighth term.
Undoubtedly, the seeming life president was the architect of the struggle for his nation’s independence against white minority rule. It is also unarguable that he redressed the vexatious land issue (which saw minority whites owning most of the arable land in the country) in favour of blacks who are in the majority. But is it not curious that in a country of about 14 million people, only one man has monopoly of answers to the many problems of the country?
It is wrong for Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since independence in 1980, to consider himself indispensable one who must rule interminably. The fact that he has failed to groom a successor all these years questions his leadership credentials and suggests that he is selfish and perhaps has a lot to conceal. Election observers may have passed the election as free and fair, but there seems to be something wrong with the entire process and outcome. Mugabe’s victory may be a pyrrhic one after all.
Sadly, there are many African leaders who operate in the shoes of Mugabe. From Cameroun, Uganda, Burkina Faso to Equitorial Guinea and several other countries, the story is that their leaders have no intention to vacate after many years of leadership. Despite the revolution sweeping away many sit-tight leaders in Africa, Mugabe and his co-travellers have failed to see the inevitable end that awaits all leaders who strangulate democracy by their hold on power.
Therefore the most honourable thing for him to do is to step down and let the younger ones rule. He has to act fast before he is swept off by the revolution devouring sit-tight rulers in Africa.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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