Editorial

Probe That S’Africa’s Miners’ Massacre

Published

14 years ago

August 27, 2012

Last Thursday, the remains of 44 South African miners who
died during a labour protest were laid to rest. They were working for the
north-western Marikana Platinum Mine, owned by London-listed company, Lonmin.

Thirty four of the dead were miners gruesomely killed after
police opened fire during a strike over wages a week earlier. Ten other people,
including two police officers, had died since the beginning of the strike on
August 10, 2012.

The miners were striking over demands for higher monthly
wage of 12,500 rand ($1,500, or 1,200 euros), as against the 4,000 Rand they
were receiving. But Lonmin claimed that if bonuses and other perks were
included, the rock drillers earn around 11,000 rand, with a nine per cent
increase set for October.

About 3,000 rock drill operators spearheaded the strike at
Lonmin, which employs a total of 28,000 people. However, on August 16, an
ultimatum issued by the local police for the protestors to disband was ignored,
and the situation escalated to the point where officers opened fire, claiming
that they acted in self-defence.

Coming 18 years after the African National Congress (ANC)
started ruling South Africa, this massacre relives some of the worst memories
of the apartheid era. Even worse was the order for the miners to return to work
only days after their colleagues were killed in cold blood.

The Tide believes that the police shooting of 34 black
strikers at the Marikana Platinum Mine –fuels perceptions that the ANC’s
leadership may be paying more attention to factional infighting than the
growing economic divisions and the discontent of the ordinary South African.

Although South African President, Jacob Zuma, met with
miners last Wednesday, and inaugurated a judicial commission of inquiry into
the police shooting, the police are also investigating the killings, while the
independent police watchdog is looking into the conduct of the officers who
opened fire at the crowd that was armed mainly with spears, clubs and machetes.

While we join millions of peace loving people to condemn the
massacre, we commiserate with the government and people of South Africa,
especially the families of the miners who were only asking for better pay.

Sadly, this shooting has placed a lot of odium on the police
in South Africa, but even worst, is the ghost of Apartheid that it attempted to
resurrect. That the police that is supposed to be the friend of the ordinary
man would become the butcher of the people they are paid to secure.

We are not unmindful of some challenging times when policing
can be dangerous. Even so, the police in more civilised climes would have used
tear gas or water canon or robber bullets to disperse the protesting miners.
Worse still, they could have shot at their legs and not to kill.

That is why we think the probe ordered by President Jacob
Zuma must be pursued to the letter. All and anyone that failed to do the right
or ordered the killing of these miners must be brought to book, if for nothing
else, to deter future occurrence and to stop disgracing the black race in our
dealing with the weaker members of our society.

Moreover, the ANC government must grapple with the long-term
challenge to revive and diversify South Africa’s economy beset with inequality
and unemployment. The violence at Marikana follows riots in townships over poor
public services that ought to have called the government to action before the
incident.

We hope that the authorities in South Africa will use the
opportunity to reform its police and equip them to deal with civil protests and
seemingly dangerous upheavals without causing avoidable deaths and shame to
Africa. The best police in the world is not accredited with its ruthlessness
and senseless use of force.

The issue is now more than the appropriate pricing of labour
at the mines in South Africa, which of course should be better. But the
heartless killing of helpless citizens by the ones paid to protect them must be
condemned and properly investigated and the culprits punished, otherwise the
need for arming the police would become needless.

Editorial

Sustaining Legacies Of Rivers-Owned Media Outfits

Published

1 day ago

August 24, 2026

The Tide

The call by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Rivers State Council, for the urgent recruitment of personnel into state-owned media organisations is both timely and vital. Following its recent State Congress at the Ernest Ikoli Press Centre in Port Harcourt, the Union highlighted an acute manpower deficit caused by steady retirements and tragic deaths. We fully align with the Council’s resolution. Across the state’s broadcast and print outlets, severe staffing shortages have forced management teams to rely heavily on ad-hoc support staff, placing an unsustainable strain on already lean operational finances.

To his credit, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has demonstrated commendable foresight in bolstering the public sector, particularly through targeted hiring sprees in the health and education domains. A report by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) underscores that public social services consume upwards of 60 per cent of state-level employment budgets in Nigeria, reflecting where official priorities historically lie. While health and education undeniably warrant continuous investment, the public information sector is equally fundamental to democratic governance and must not be left to wither.

It is now high time the Governor extended this same developmental vision to the state’s information architecture. The media houses require an immediate infusion of fresh talent to revive their operations. Leaving state-run communication channels understaffed undermines their ability to deliver efficient public service broadcasting and timely news dissemination, effectively muting the primary conduit through which the administration engages with its citizenry.

Beyond human capital, the physical and technological infrastructure of these establishments demands earnest intervention. It remains a stark paradox when a state chief executive hosts a major media chat and must rely predominantly on private media infrastructure to reach the public. These high-profile engagements could be seamlessly anchored by indigenous state channels, drastically cutting administrative expenditure. What is required is not abandonment but a deliberate effort to re-equip these institutions with modern broadcast apparatus.

Furthermore, state-owned radio and television frequencies ought to serve as the primary source for executive broadcasts. Rather than consistently relying on external stations to lead coverage, private media outfits should be encouraged to hook into state media feeds during major governmental programmes. Establishing the state’s own platforms as the flagship signals for official news would naturally restore prestige to these historical establishments.

It is financially counterproductive to channel massive patronage toward expensive private broadcast networks, while native public stations starve for patronage. Research from the Media Rights Agenda (MRA) indicates that state governments spend billions of naira annually on commercial media retainers—funds that could easily transform public institutions if retained internally. State establishments do not demand the exorbitant fees charged by private entities; investing internally ensures far greater fiscal efficiency for the public treasury.

We reiterate our plea for Governor Fubara to approve the immediate recruitment of qualified Rivers youths into these outlets alongside a comprehensive facility upgrade. As it stands today, state media organisations have received far too little capital attention, leaving dedicated personnel to manage antiquated tools. A modernised workforce paired with updated facilities would allow these vital stations to discharge their duties creditably and competitively.

This culture of systemic neglect did not originate with the current administration. History records a progressive decay under successive state leadership, with the notable exception of former Governor Peter Odili’s tenure, which prioritised media infrastructure and staff welfare. Governor Fubara now holds a unique historic opportunity to break this cycle of indifference and write a different chapter for the state’s press.

To grasp the full extent of this decline, the Governor should undertake an unannounced personal tour of these establishments. Direct observation would provide an unvarnished appraisal of the difficult conditions under which state media personnel labour. Despite the crippling constraints, these staff members continue to project government activities daily; such dedication should be met with institutional support rather than structural neglect.

The historical contributions of the state’s media ecosystem remain monumental. Generations of Nigerians recall the golden era of The Nigerian Tide, the pioneering broadcasts of Radio Rivers, and the regional dominance of Rivers State Television (RSTV), which was once a household name across the Niger Delta. According to historical records from the Nigerian Press Council (NPC), regional public media in the 1980s and 1990s served as the primary engines for regional identity and civic education.

Even amid present hardships, Rivers public media remain among the few operational government outlets in the country—a resilient legacy that must not be allowed to collapse. In a state widely recognised as media-friendly, revitalising these establishments offers an untapped avenue for commercial revenue generation. Nothing replaces a well-crafted narrative delivered through an authentic government mouthpiece; investing in internal institutions is far wiser than funding the growth of other platforms.

We need only look at the South-West geopolitical zone, where state governments have historically maintained robust regional communication networks. This media strength allows those states to shape national dialogue, project cultural influence, and defend public policy effectively. Rivers State can easily attain and surpass that standard if the present administration commits to a thorough revitalisation. A well-funded state media guarantees a strong, independent voice in national affairs, ensuring the government’s story is told accurately, dynamically, and from its own perspective.

Editorial

Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH

Published

1 week ago

August 17, 2026

The Tide

The dramatic apprehension of three suspected ‘one-chance’ robbers at Rumuosi Junction in Port Harcourt offers both relief and a sober nudge. According to the Rivers State Police Command’s spokesperson, ASP Blessing Agabe, the syndicate’s vehicle was intercepted by courageous residents after a trapped passenger raised an alarm. One victim had already been thrown from the moving minibus, while another cried for help, prompting a chase that ended at Rumuekini Junction where an enraged mob set the operational bus ablaze before operatives of the Nigeria Police, Choba Division intervened. The suspects, who reportedly confessed to the crime, were taken into custody.

But this single success cannot mask a deeply entrenched crisis. ‘One-chance’ operations have become alarmingly rampant in the Garden City, evolving from isolated incidents into a daily nightmare for commuters. Only lately, a nurse with the University of Port Harcourt Teaching Hospital was abducted right before the UPTH gate upon boarding a commercial vehicle after close of work. Her ordeal is no longer an exception but a pattern that has instilled palpable fear amongst many who depend on public transport for their livelihood.

The lamentations are loudest around the University of Port Harcourt axis and its environs. In recent months, several students and lecturers have reported being dispossessed of phones, laptops, and cash along the Choba, Alakahia, and Aluu routes. A postgraduate student had recounted losing her tuition fee inside a supposedly commercial bus at Rumuosi, while a trader at Choba market was pushed out of a moving vehicle and sustained severe injuries. These recurring episodes have turned routine commuting into a gamble with safety.

What makes this criminal enterprise particularly insidious is its elaborate deception. The syndicates have perfected a guise of legitimacy. Their operational vehicles often contain accomplices disguised as market women, nursing mothers, who act as decoys to lure unsuspecting passengers. They occupy strategic seats, feign normal conversations, and create a false sense of security. After an unsuspecting commuter boards, the victim is robbed and assaulted before being ejected from the moving bus. Others are abducted to unknown destinations where they are held for ransom, and in the most tragic cases, killed.

Even more disconcerting is the shifting demography of the perpetrators. Contrary to the archetypal image of male street urchins, there is now a disturbingly high rate of female involvement in these robberies, either as active robbers or as collaborators who provide the all-important veneer of innocence. The most vulnerable targets appear to be women themselves, particularly petty traders and workers who set out for business between 5 and 6 a.m. when the streets are still dim. They are routinely robbed, brutalised, and shoved out of moving vehicles, often before the day has truly begun.

It was this accumulated public fury that triggered the near-lynching at Rumuosi. As a stakeholder in the community, Joseph Owhortee, rightly noted, the mob’s rage was inflamed by the yet-unresolved killing of a community member, Nkiruka Jennifer Ihunda, in a previous ‘one-chance’ incident. While jungle justice can never be condoned, its recurrence signals a dangerous erosion of public confidence in formal law enforcement. When citizens feel compelled to become enforcers, it is a damning verdict on the protective capacity of the state.

That verdict is made starker by the visible presence of numerous police checkpoints across Port Harcourt. Commuters legitimately question how these criminals operate with such impunity despite security barricades at almost every major intersection. A major part of the answer, sadly, lies in compromised enforcement. Too often, stop-and-search operations appear to prioritise pecuniary gains over diligent scrutiny. It is disheartening that operatives routinely allow vehicles with heavily tinted glasses to pass without proper checks, swayed by monetary inducements or assumptions about the personality inside. In doing so, they unwittingly provide a safe passage for felons.

The scale of this threat is corroborated by credible data. According to the National Bureau of Statistics’ Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey 2024, 31.6 per cent of Nigerians who reported being victims of robbery experienced it inside or around public commercial transport. Similarly, a 2023 report by SBM Intelligence on urban crime in Port Harcourt indicated that transport-related robbery accounted for 27 per cent of all reported street crimes in the city, with 62 per cent of incidents occurring between 5:00 a.m. and 9:00 p.m. The Rivers State Police Command itself, in its end-of-year briefing in December 2024, acknowledged 89 reported cases of ‘one-chance’ robbery in the metropolis alone. These figures, likely under-reported, underscore that we are confronting a full-blown emergency.

The police must, therefore, sit up and adopt a more strategic posture. Beefing up security cannot be generic; it must be intelligence-led and focused on designated hotspots where these syndicates thrive. Areas such as Elelenwo, Airforce Junction, Peter Odili Road, Eleme Junction, Rumuokoro Roundabout, and the entire East-West Road stretch from Rumuosi to Choba have become notorious corridors for this menace. Constant, unpredictable patrols, plain-clothes surveillance at these flashpoints, and thorough, non-discriminatory vehicle searches are non-negotiable.

Intelligence gathering remains the weakest link. If the Command had responded proactively to the deluge of complaints from residents, especially those plying the UNIPORT and Eleme areas, the situation would not have deteriorated to this frightening level. The police have enough human sources to map the operational routes, identify the ringleaders, and infiltrate the networks. What is required is seriousness in apprehending and dismantling these gangs rather than merely reacting after an alarm is raised.

Beyond policing, there is an urgent need for regulatory action by the Rivers State Government. The profiling of all commercial vehicle owners and operators has become imperative for easy identification and tracing. The long-proposed policy compelling all commercial vehicles, including buses and taxis, to be painted in the official Rivers colours of blue-white-blue must finally be enforced. Several attempts by previous administrations faltered due to lack of political will. This administration must muster the courage to implement it. Uniform colouration, with bold registration numbers on the body, would enable commuters to distinguish genuine commercial motors from criminal contraptions at a glance.

Public enlightenment is vital. Law enforcement agencies should carry out sustained sensitisation on the kind of vehicles commuters should board and the warning signs to watch for while also providing functional emergency numbers for swift response during attacks. Simultaneously, communities should be encouraged and properly supervised to establish vigilante groups to complement police efforts in their localities. The rescue at Rumuosi Junction proves that vigilant citizens can make a difference, but they should not have to replace the police. A synergy of professional policing, responsible governance, and security-conscious citizenry may be the way to finally checkmate this scourge.

Editorial

That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects

Published

2 weeks ago

August 10, 2026

The Tide

There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.

The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.

We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.

This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.

The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.

The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.

Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.

There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.

By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.

Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.

Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.