Opinion
Nigeria’s Struggle With Ethnic Nationalism
The Nigeria’s 2011
elections may have passed the litmus test in the eyes of many including the international observers, but they have thrown up for the country its endemic struggle with ethnic nationalism.
All over the world, as nations climb their growth and development ladder, they dissipate the various primordial allegiance, constraints, and ties of ethnic solidarity, religion, language, and other cultural encumbrances. But Nigeria has become a negation of the rest of the world as its challenge of ethnic nationalism has become a great puzzle – so difficult to tackle. The argument that the British colonial administration deliberately originated the challenge by creating three regional territories- Northern region occupied by the Hausa/Fulani, Eastern region peopled by the Ibo and Western region by the Yoruba – to further their selfish interest has become boring and nauseating.
Why? With its long history of chequered experiences, Nigeria ought to have extricated itself from that colonial matrix and risen above the malaise which has continued to have a deleterious effect on the country’s political and socio-economic developmental process.
With the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern parts of the country on January 1, 1914 by Lord Lugard, Nigeria had existed as one entity for years before its independence on October 1, 1960. But conflicts arising from the phenomenon of ethnicity or sub-nationalism including the problem of domination by the major ethnic groups precipitated a civil war which started on July 6, 1967, a few years after the country’s independence, and raged for about 30 months, ending on January 13, 1970 with a death toll of millions. Worse still, the armed forces that took over the government on January 16, 1966 following the ethnic conflicts, succession of crisis – the census crisis of 1964, the federal election crisis of the same year, and the Western regional election crisis of 1965 – and the iniquitous trend of bad governance, nepotism, and corruption refused to let go of power for donkey years.
The dispiriting experiences of Nigeria and the failure of the power elite to learn from the country’s history are not a curse or infliction by any entity or its colonial master. I think the failure of the power elite especially the champions of ethnic nationalism or competitive ethnicity to learn from the country’s past experiences and to obey the simple law of social change is deliberate, having elevated the phenomenon of ethnic nationalism to a social movement.
Otherwise, how does one explain the passion of the Mallam Adamu Ciroma’s Northern Political Leaders Forum to produce a Northern consensus presidential candidate for the April 2011 presidential election and the mobilisation of some Northern Youth Organisations, students forum, and other groups to protest the victory of Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan at the Peoples Democratic party (PDP) presidential primary election held at the Eagle Square, Abuja on January 13, 2011. And why the arson, mayhem rape, carnage, and killing of young people especially members of the NYSC, the old, the poor, and the rich from the South by some youths and disgruntled polticians in Kaduna, Kano, Bauchi, Gombe, Adamawa, and other parts of the North following the declaration of Dr. Jonathan as the winner of the Saturday April 16, 2011 Presidential election by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)?
Judging from the peaceful and successful conduct of the National Assembly elections and the Governorship and State Assembly polls across the country including the North, it is evident that the only driving spirit for the presidential post-election violence perpetrated by the Northern youths and their sponsors was ethnic nationalism. Not rigging, not irregularity, and not necessarily that the presidential election was won by the PDP. After all, when the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua won the 2007 election, which he, in his inaugural address acknowledged was not free and fair, on the platform of the PDP there were no bombing and destruction of churches, public institutions and property and killing of Southerners by Northern youths and their cohorts.
The fact is that the mayhem was unleashed upon the nation just because the presidential election was won by a Southerner, Dr. Jonathon. And it goes without saying that it is the tireless champions of ethnic nationalism that have sown the seed of the post-election violence that has delt a deadly blow on the unity, peace, and security of the country. I agree with Dr. Frederick Fasehun’s publication in the Guardian edition of April 22, 2011 which among other things states: “In the buildup to the elections, myopic politicians from a section of the country threatened fire and brimstone. Now fire and brimstone are falling from the skies. Innocent Nigerians are losing their lives, homes, and businesses. These self-seeking politicians originally laid the landmines now exploding in the country; and they must explain to the world why innocent Nigerians are paying with their lives for these inciting statements”.
Some of the statements as also noted in Dr. Fasehun’s publication include the one made in December 2010 by Mallam Abubakar Ibrahim (President) and Dr. Yakubu Ahmed (Secretary-General), Coalition of Atiku Northern Supporters (CANSU) which states: Nigerians do not want a peaceful change. We wish to state that we support the position of our mentor, Turaki Abubakar, that what Nigeria needs is not a peaceful change. This is no threat. Boko Haram will be a child’s play compared with the action our members can take. We have been patient enough. And enough they say is enough; and that of Mallam Adam Ciroma, Chairman of Northern Political Leaders Forum on September 17, 2010 in which he said: “Above all, we are extremely worried that our party’s failure to deliver justice in this matter (stop Jonathan’s candidacy) may ignite a series of events, the scope and magnitude of which we can neither proximate nor contain.”
President Jonathan’s administration must rise to the challenge of ethnic nationlism in the country by bringing the perpetrators of this crisis of nationhood to book.
Ethnic nationalism has become a sturbborn obstacle to the socio-economic and political advancement of Nigeria and the realisation of national consciousness by its people. The Nigerian nation must therefore conquer it, or it will conquer the Nigeiran nation.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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