Opinion
Law As Football
An old idiom which describes law as an ass, sends a wise message which would not fail to make an appropriate impression on individuals who can discern human shenanigans. Page 2 of The Tide newspaper of Friday, September 24, 2021, carried a headline news” “FG Considers Fresh Charges Against Igboho”. Oyo State High Court awarded N20 billion damages in favour of Igboho, against the Federal Government, arising from an action of the Department of State Services (DSS).
The news report said that the judge, Ladiran Akintola, had awarded the money as “an exemplary and aggravated damages” against the AGF and the Department of State Services, over the invasion of Igboho’s home in Ibadan on July 1. In a reaction to that judgement, the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, speaking in faraway New York, said that FG may file fresh charges against Igboho. The position of the Federal Government on the judgement was about law and jurisdiction.
In the words of the AGF “As far as this matter is concerned, which court is it that has the jurisdiction to determine it?” Surely, within the context of obedience to court orders, there are associated rights and interests that are vested in the Federal Government. Apart from rights of appealing against that Oyo State High Court judgement, the AGF made other allusions. They include “right to file an application for setting aside the purported judgement” and “possibility of filing a fresh action”, including the jurisdiction of the court that gave that judgement.
The fact that Malami made statement on the Oyo State High Court judgement from New York means that the Igboho issue is not confined within Nigeria. What is the grouse of the Federal Government of Nigeria against Sunday Igboho? He is referred to as an agitator, wanting to split the unity of Nigeria. Invasion of Igboho’s house at night by security agencies resulted in the loss of a human life, but Igboho could not be arrested there and then.
While Malami was speaking in New York on the judgement of an Oyo State High Court that awarded N20 billion in favour of Igboho, there were other agitators insisting on a protest at the United Nations General Assembly, on September 24. Chairman of Nigerian Indigenous Nationalities Alliance for Self-Determination (NINA), Professor Banji Akintoye, spoke for various Nigerian agitators in diaspora. There were Yoruba and Biafra agitators as well as Middle-Belt groups insisting that the Federal Government would not stop their protest at the United Nations Headquarters in New York.
There was an allegation that the Federal Government of Nigeria planned to sponsor a counter-protest, but a vital question to ask is: What is “Million-Man Freedom March” all about? Why agitations from various quarters under NINAS? In the catalogue of the complaints of the agitators are that “the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria was a fraud against the people of South and Middle-Belt”; that “a Fulani militia group masquerading as a trade union, Miyyetii Allah, should be declared as a terrorist organisation”.
There was a news report that “The Grand Finale of the NINAS Million-Man Freedom March holds on September 24, 2021, the day President Muhammadu Buhari will be addressing the 76th Session of the United Nations General Assembly”. The goal was to “show before the world the crimes against humanity, attacks on press freedom, free speech and other criminalities being aided by the Muhammadu Buhari-led government of Nigeria”.
NINAS Director of Public Communications, Mr Maxwell Adeleye, was quoted as saying that, “no matter how the Nigerian Government try to scuttle the NINAS Grand March, the will of the people shall prevail”. He went on to say: “We refuse to be rattled. We shall not be intimidated. No oppressor has ever triumphed against the collective will of the people…” The international community is being told by the agitators that there is a “rape of our ancestral land and hijack of our assets and sovereignty by the Fulani-controlled Nigerian Government”.
Current agitations in Nigeria by various ethnic nationalities would call attention to past experiences in apartheid South Africa, when courts and security agencies were partners in oppressive practices. A situation where decisions and judgements of courts would turn legal institutions into the status of an ass or a football, portends ill for human freedom. Like the VAT issue, would the judgement of Oyo State High Court; awarding Igboho N20 billion damages, become an issue of appeals, litigations, interpretations and intimidations? Why threat of fresh charges against Igboho because a court awarded him N20 billion damages? Agitation can become a treasonable offence!
In the early days of formation of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the United States of America, some of the activities of its operatives resulted in litigations and award of damages in favour of the litigants. If in Nigeria we continue to have litigations involving “exemplary and aggravated damages” in which the Federal Government would have to pay some billions of naira to litigants, perhaps our security agencies would be less combative in their operatives. Unfortunately, court judgements which go against the establishment can be taken as brazen affronts.
Recent experiences with regards to judgements involving political litigations give us the impression that the law can be interpreted and treated like a football. A football is for everybody, players and non-players alike, yet, it is for nobody, in the sense that it can be kicked about by anybody, inside and outside a football field. Without going into various allegations made against several administrators of the legal system, at least gossips are many about judgements that conflict one with another. Judgements have been known to be written at night and sometimes under gun-point or threats.
Rising agitations coming from various ethnic groups in Nigeria have become such that they should not be addressed by threats, intimidations, or swept aside as irrelevant. The Guardian newspaper of Friday, 13 June, 2008, published an open letter by Ethnic Nationalities Movement, a part of which read: “We of the Ethnic Nationalities Movement say with emphasis that Nigeria will not be re-colonised either by foreigners or by gangster leaders”.
By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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