Opinion
PIB As An Eye-Opener
Rev. Canon Chuka Opara was not only right, but also prophetic to have described the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) as the “Abiku Bill” (ref. The Tide, Monday, July 12, 2021).What Yorubas call “abiku”, known in Igbo as “Ogbanje”, is a trouble-ladden child, “coming and going these seasons”, rather than settle down to redress a trouble-ladden life. Surely, there are such weird children as well as policies and laws whose purposes include spreading unrests under beautiful cloaks.
Originally, the purposes of the PIB proposals were to guarantee an uninterrupted flow of the Nigerian oil and gas so as to restore, recapture and create investor-confidence in the industry. More importantly was need to address or redress the issues, fears and challenges of the Niger Delta people, arising from the oil and gas industry. Rather than focus on the original intents, the “Abiku Bill” turned around to provide opportunities for “putting the country’s future in the hands of multinationals and private foreign capital (or their local fronts) as well as a few genuine Nigerian investors”.
Dr Joseph Ellah, an insider in the oil and gas industry, revealed long ago that “some individuals appear to believe the oil must belong to them, so they have been trying legal tricks and means to acquire ownership. This Bill is part of their effort …” It was during the Nigerian Civil War (1967 – 1970) that the opportunity for a privatisation of the resources of the Niger Delta people began, with the Petroleum Act. From making it a national asset, the next strategy would be to hand it over to a few private entities.
Long ago when late Senator Francis Ellah tried to expose game-plans to short-change the people of the Niger Delta through some clever strategies, he was deliberately shouted down on the Senate floor. In his “Unfinished Motion”, Senator Ellah made a number of revelations which the creation of more states from the original 12-state structure tried to cover up. With the euphoria of creation of more states, the injustice planned for the Niger Delta oil and gas producing zone was not recognised by many.
The same strategy of shouting down on the Senate floor was applied on Senator Godswill Akpabio, when his speech tended to expose vital issues relating to the politics of oil and gas resources of the Niger Delta. Similarly, the long-held suspicion that the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and its predecessor, OMPADEC, had been under some remote control, turned into valid conviction. The venom and plots against Dr Goodluck Jonathan staying on as President were rooted in preventing him from playing any role in renewal of oil blocks allocation.
A large number of Nigerians would not be aware of the fact that growing instability and insecurity in Nigeria are rooted in the political economy which the military installed before standing aside from politics in 1999. Similarly, that political economy was rooted in the clandestine politics of oil blocks (OML) allocation, of which Senator Ita Enang told us that Northerners owned 83% of all oil blocks in Nigeria. Would any rational person wonder why things are falling apart in the country, or that the PIB, if passed into law, would be the culminating point of a game of monopoly?
We must thank Rev. Canon Opara for describing the PIB as an Abiku the parents can hardly recognise. “Abiku” child is usually sickly and can be taken from a medical hospital after many failed remedies, to traditional medicine man. Those who know about the Abiku phenomenon would tell us that the Abiku changling would demand some propitiation to be able to stay. It is a tantalizing affair in which parents dragged into the bargain would continue to make sacrifices and appeasements which can be endless, in order to keep what is theirs.
Opara told us that “E.K. Clark is angry. Very angry. And his people are in his support. Their anger is based majorly on three points”. Those three points are: 1. The new PIB has redefined Oil Producing Communities to include “any community that oil pipelines pass through. 2. The new PIB awards 30% annual oil profit to Frontier Oil Exploration in the North, and 3. Approves 3% annual allocation of oil profit to Oil Producing Communities.
Is there any rational Nigerian who would not see the shenanigans of the PIB as well as the insult on the people of the Niger Delta? Similarly, anyone would wonder where those representing the Niger Delta zone in the National Assembly were, when such a Bill was crafted? It would be more appropriate to say that the Bill was deliberately and cleverly crafted, rather than being written or drafted in a way that would not hide out some hidden agenda. It is most likely that the PIB is the craft of spin-doctors working for some very powerful interest groups.
Bitter and controversial issues raised when the Bill was tagged Petroleum Industry Governance Bill (PIGB) were cleverly retained in such vexations and ambiguous manner that anyone would recall James Last’s song: Obviously, the situation demands that some people must be called to order, made to explain their roles in the crafting of the PIB and also make apologies to the people of the Niger Delta. As things are, currently, if the PIB is passed into law, it is obvious that the Niger Delta would become a boiling point. We can always give a dog a bad name …
Were the “quisling Southern legislators asleep on duty to have allowed foes plant weeds on their vineyard!” Perhaps, “allowing the Abiku Bill to be hijacked by more alert counterparts from the North” may not be the cardinal failure of the Southern legislators. Rev. Canon Opara’s allusion to “avarice and greed” has more to do with the matter. Similarly, the foundation for what is playing out now was laid by the military via the inexplicable remuneration package for legislators and the Land Use Act.
A vital issue raised by Opara is the advice he inherited from his mother, namely: “never you be eager to befriend anyone whose desire is always to cheat you”. Someone is not only cheating, not only taking too much for the owner to know, but also using various strategies to cow and stop the one being cheated from complaining. Would Nigerians be surprised if the lame and blind become strong and seeing? Once again, the game is up and we know who is cheating.
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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