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The Disorder We Order

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This piece is based on anecdotes of the experience of two individuals in Rivers State separated by the 20 years between the Second and Fourth Republics. The objective is to explain, not justify, certain behaviors from the perspective of what society inadvertently orders based on the actions of authority figures and the docility of civil society. The first anecdote is my personal experience in the political arena during the Second Republic while the second deals with the undercurrents that Rivers State was embroiled in during the 2019 general elections as a result of the resolve of Rt. Honourable Chibuike Amaechi to unseat his bosom friend, Governor Nyesom Wike, from office. This is an endeavour in psychoanalysis; the commonality of the behaviours in the anecdotes is what to ruminate on towards avoiding ordering disorder in future.
From rock musicianship during the late 1960s to early 1970s, I navigated through Radio Nigeria, Port Harcourt as a disc jockey, had a brief stint at College of Education, Oromineke and travelled to the US in 1973 for further studies. Returning in November 1979, Hon. Engr. Victor Masi, then Minister of Works, introduced me to Governor Melford Okilo who directed that I be appointed General Manager of Rivers State Newspaper Corporation but was advised otherwise as a result of the mandatory National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme; I was, therefore, deployed as Senior Special Assistant (SSA) to the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), allocated an official car and moved into Suite 459, Hotel Presidential, Port Harcourt where I took residence for the service year. My immediate boss (Prof William W. Ogionwo) assigned me to cover Executive Council (EXCO) matters, which required that I attend EXCO meetings with him; a rather meteoric rise in the system.
At 11.00am every Wednesday, the governor, his deputy, commissioners and those of us who were executive messengers, gathered in the Banquet Hall and had brunch during which we chatted and quipped virtually at status parity before settling down to business. At EXCO, I sat behind my boss and to my left sat a consummate gentleman by name Boma G.E. Charles who was Permanent Secretary (Cabinet) and so sat behind the Head of Service (HOS), Chief Ekuku Wokocha. Incidentally, it was Mr. Charles who, as Permanent Secretary (Education) and Chairman of Scholarship Board, signed my scholarship documents in 1973; the account of that fateful day belongs in another episode and there I was sitting next to him in functional parity. Again, in the political plans of succession of National Party of Nigeria (NPN), a few young people were being groomed for various positions in the future; I was slated for SSG come 1987. Naturally, my pituitary gland started expanding, illusions of grandeur set in and I started floating in the clouds with a bloated sense of self-worth, so to speak.
At breakfast one morning, the manager of Hotel Presidential whispered that I should bring back the monthly renewal paper. Prof Ogionwo was out of town and so I took the paper to the HOS who had equal mandate. He looked at it, looked at me and wrote “No” on the paper and circled it with red ink. For a second, I was confused; so, I went back to my office and sat, head in hand. Shortly thereafter, Precious Ngelali, who I introduced to the hotel arrangement, strolled by with his Caucasian wife, greeted and said he was going to see my “brother” (HOS and I are from the same place) for the usual paper. I did not want to discourage him, so I said “good luck buddy.” In less than 10 minutes, Ngelali swung by with the paper signed. Goodness gracious!!! I was livid with rage. Just then, my secretary rushed in and announced that SSG needed my attention. Gladly, I rushed to him, welcomed him, quickly tidied up his directives, reproduced the monthly approval paper and he signed. That did it. I stormed into the HOS’s office, showed him the approval and said so many unprintable things to him. Everybody in the room scampered for a hiding place while he and I engaged in a shouting match in English and Ogba. It took the timely intervention of Captain Elechi Amadi, who I had become acquainted with, to take me out of the office.
Now, think of it: a youth corper?! A bloody blinking youth corper?! In a shouting match with the HOS?! Unthinkable! I had not even entered the first rung of the bureaucratic hierarchy while the HOS was at the apex of the structure. We were worlds apart in the system but, for me, the system and its structure did not exist; I had not been groomed in the norms and culture of the bureaucratic system, so it did not exist.
That was 1980; fast forward to 1999. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi held no job in any formal organization in the strict sense of the term; so, from nowhere, so to speak, he contested for election into Rivers State House of Assembly and lost, according to the Electoral Commission. However, he went to court, was declared winner and, subsequently, elected the Speaker of the House. Following eight years of Speakership, he vied for gubernatorial candidacy of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), won but was set aside in the K-Leg saga; his kinsman, Barr Celestine Omehia, took his place and was elected Governor of Rivers State. However, Amaechi went to court and was declared winner in total disregard of the “vote and be voted for” requirement of the electoral law; he was sworn in as Governor of Rivers State. So, Amaechi was taught that the way to the apex of the superstructures of public office is by undermining the system.
In summation, the two dramatis personae shared exactly the same bloated state of mind as a result of their meteoric rise in the system; the difference is in the circumstances: whereas the effrontery and outburst of the youth corper were limited to the Office of the Head of Service, the latter case resulted in state-wide insecurity, the death of so many people and the near violation of the vote. In either case, the point is that when you take someone who never held any employment in a formal organization and undermine the system by hoisting him on the structure, you have succeeded in exploding his pituitary and thus creating a superman that would have no regard whatsoever for the processes and procedures of the system.
The gospel truth is that in the two instances, the system was undermined resulting in the aberrant behaviour of the beneficiaries. It is therefore recommended thus: (1) appointees to political positions should have certain basic experience or be subjected to seminars and psychological reprogramming at the takeoff of the appointment and (2) granted that there are requirements for election into the legislature, there should also be certain other stringent requirements for appointment to the position of Speaker, given the strategic position of the office. The second recommendation will, naturally, raise the bar for entry into the legislature as most constituencies would desire to field candidates who possess the requisite qualification for Speakership; it will therefore create room for more qualitative, mature and circumspect individuals and, hopefully, guard against our ordering disorder in the future.
Dr Osai lectures at the Rivers State University, PH.

 

Jason Osai

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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