Opinion
Imperative Of Community Policing In Nigeria (11)
This is the concluding part of the article published penultimate Friday.
The inability of countries to modify community policing
remains one of the major obstacles militating against the successful practice of community policing. Moreso, there is usually the trap to adopt western idea of community policing. This tends to emphasise the top-down approach as opposed to communally oriented societies that favour bottom top approach as embedded within their cultural milieu in African countries.
Be that as it may, experts support the view that communities can no longer stand in isolation from the Police, neither can they be seen as an addendum in policing, nor should the Police seek to retain their high levels of autonomy. Instead, constant and consistent communication should be shared between the two major stakeholders.
Extensive research has shown that involving local residents in the policing process beyond being the “eyes and ears” of the Police is beneficial as a tool of crime reduction and creating safer communities. Therefore, there is a strong theoretical case for community engagement and involvement in Police.
However, in Nigeria, community involvement in the policing processes in local communities is limited to town hall meeting usually arising from some form of protest actions or due to some heinous crimes which were committed in the community, necessitating some dialogue often between the police/politician/residents or in terms of reporting incidents as victims/witnesses and providing covert information.
Involving communities in policing will be challenging for members of the Nigeria Police Force who have not been accustomed to working with communities. However, the effort will be worthwhile for at least five reasons.
One, services will be provided that meet communities wants and needs and will be appropriate.
Two, transparency can be promoted and communities provided with a better understanding of the complex decision-making in the policing process, thus leading to greater openness, accountability and confidence. Meanwhile, groups who were traditionally excluded or marginalized can be identified and appropriate plans made to work with these people. Again, communities can identify the wider determinants of crime and deviant behaviours and develop plans and frequently implement strategies to address inequalities.
Finally, communities can be empowered and their capacity enhanced to promote self-control and self-confidence to address their needs through greater confidence in their ability to inform the direction of law enforcement services.
Based on prior research, there are certain principles that should underpin any community involvement in policing activity. These include, the necessity of understanding the community/communities in which policing is to be conducted; the need for partnership working and integration of participation at all stage of the process and the need for recognition of long term involvement; the need to understand that meaningful relationships take time to establish and that involvement becomes tokenistic if relationships are not maintained in the long-term and the need to build effective groups/structures that strengthen communities rather than divide them.
Others are the need for a range of wider (formal and informal) ways in which people can participate – creating some community ownership and control, the need for clarity and recognition of influence e.g. evidence that communities have been heard; the recognition that people participate from a variety of starting points and cultural experience and that this has implications for how people learn and contribute and the need to be flexible and responsive, leading to adaptations where necessary in project methods, time tables and outcomes.
Simply put, community involvement in policing refers to the amount of physical and psychological energy that communities collectively devote to the policing experience. Thus, a highly involved community is one which, for example, devotes considerable energy to ensuring that the communities are safe, reports criminal activities to the relevant authorities (crime stoppers, Police etc.) spends much time working with other residents to reduce crime, seeks to forge relationships with the Police, attempts to create a safe and secure environment, using creative methods; participates actively in community organisations, and interacts frequently with the Police and other residents with the aim of devising plans and policies to alleviate crime and deviance.
Conversely, a typical uninvolved community, neglects the community, spends little time in dealing with the community, abstains from communal activities, and has infrequent contact with the Police and other residents and displays a general apathetic behavior to the community and crime related issues.
Community policing has remained very potent in tackling crime management despite criticisms and challenges in its implementation. In the United States, it has been used extensively to create community safe zones to combat violent and drug related crimes with substantial success. Some Latin American countries such as Brazil and Mexico with serious drug related crimes have equally employed community policing and still continue to employ this strategy to fight crime. The South African Police Service has successfully integrated community policing in law enforcement and crime control. Counter insurgency efforts in Afghanistan equally employ some degree of community policing.
Indeed, many countries across the world have adopted community policing to manage crime with varying degrees of success and exponential prospects.
It must however, be noted that the problem of adapting community policing to suit specific environments has continued to remain a serious challenge in a number of countries, including Nigeria where existing status quo, institutional and bureaucratic complexities often frustrate effective community policing. More so, in Nigeria with interesting ethno-religious loyalties, community policing in urban areas of the country tends to face difficult challenge of a biased community. This explains some level of intelligence and security failures against the Niger Delta insurgents and lately against Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria.
The view that communities can no longer stand in isolation from the Police, neither can they be seen as an addendum in policing, nor should the Police seek to retain their high levels of autonomy is significantly valid. There is therefore the need for constant and consistent communication to be shared between the two major stakeholders.
Extensive research has shown that involving local residents in the policing process beyond being the “eyes and ears” of the Police is beneficial as a tool of crime reduction and creating safer communities. Therefore, there is a strong theoretical case for community engagement and involvement in policing. I want to support the notion that there must be a commitment to collaborative partnerships between law enforcement agencies and the individuals and organizations they serve. In the absence of the community partnership, community policing will not keep pace with the needs of multi-ethnic diverse communities anywhere in the world and Nigeria in particular.
Nte is of the Novena University, Ogume, Delta State.
Ngboawaji Daniel Nte
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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