Opinion

2015 Polls Shift: People React

Published

11 years ago

February 23, 2015

The Chairman of the Independent National
Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof Attahiru Jega, had penultimate Saturday, announced change of the dates of the country’s planned general elections.
Expectedly, this has elicited diverse reactions from different people both within and outside the country. Our Chief correspondent, Calista Ezeaku spoke with some of these people. Our photographer, Ken Donatus captured their images.

Godwin Nnadozie
Pastor
The postponement of the election is a welcome development; I’m in support of it because of the reasons given by INEC. One of the reasons is the issue of the distribution of PVC and insecurity in the north. I support it. It will help us to prepare adequately. Those people who have not gotten their PVCs will go and get them so that nobody should be disenfranchised and at the end of the day, I believe that God will help us to have a wonderful election.
I listened to President Gooduck Jonathan during his last presidential media chat and he was able to address the issue of insecurity in the North East
He gave us hope and assurance that within this six weeks something will be done and elections will be conducted.

A photographer
I like the postponement of the elections because in this area we don’t have voters card. But the question now is, if the voters’ cards are not available till the new date of the election, what will happen? We don’t have voters card here going by what we have now, there is no way President Jonathan will win, if we don’t have voters card in this area. Whether you like it or not majority of votes for Jonathan will come from this area. Some people in the north will vote for him but the bulk of his vote will come from this part of the country and if the people here do not have voters card how is he going to win?
President Jonathan has assured Nigeria that elections must hold on the rescheduled dates but let us still be praying that he might win because northerners work in unity. In this area, even though we claim we love Goodluck, most of us are reluctant to collect the voters card. We are not interested.
Again, there is this argument that Boko Haram challenges has been with us for up to three years and since we were not able to deal with it within these years how can we deal with it in six weeks?
But no one can really tell why military Chiefs asked for the postponement. May be they had serious information. May be they fore saw situations where the election would have led to serious bloodshed in the country and decided to avert it. So I encourage people to use this opportunity to go and get their voters card so that we can vote for the right persons.
Dr Green Iheanacho-Lecturer / Political Scientist
The election postponement has very wide implications nationally and internationally. First of all internationally, it gives the impression that Nigeria is yet to organise herself to make effective arrangement to conduct elections. When the election will eventually come, if it is not transparent enough to international standard, it will be taken that the anormalies that may be noticed were the reasons for the postponement. And nationally it disturbs the process and progress of the elections and the electioneering campaigns.
With allegations and counter allegations of intimidation, impunity and all that, coming now to be capped with the postponement, it is an indictment on the federal government that all that have been said about their unseriousness and lackadaisical approach to the elections may be taken to be true.
So, eventually it will take a lot on the part of the federal government to redeem its image internationally and also to prove its sincerity and commitment to a free and transparent election when the postponed date comes around.
The reasons given for the postponement are not cogent because those reasons have been with us all along. We are talking of security reasons, Boko Haram has been with us for not less than three years. If we think Boko Haram is a serious threat that can affect national programmes and polices then we should have adequately addressed it before this time. Every other issue has been made of no effect by INEC’s declaration that they are fit and ready to conduct the election. So every other reasons has been defeated by that idea from INEC.
If INEC as alleged, has been rammed into agreeing with the postponement when it declared that it was ready and the outcome of the elections are not internationally certified or seen to be free and transparent then it confirms the adage that a witch-bird cried in the night and in the morning a baby died.
So, we are saying that Nigeria should give INEC the openness, the obvious co-operation that will make it conduct the election without interference. The postponent as I said earlier is not a welcome development for political development in Nigeria and also for the international reputation of Nigeria. It doesn’t speak well of the development of politics and everything that has to do with the instrument of democracy for Nigeria to suddenly come and within a space of two weeks, postpone a scheduled election.
In other countries, materials would have been put at positions where they would be used at electoral time before that two weeks. But as it is now, such materials are now open for manipulation, fraud and counter cheating. So it doesn’t speak well for the electoral process in Nigeria. It is a very wrong decision. We should allow democracy to flourish in Nigeria.
We should grow and grow democracy.
We are not under a military or dictatorial government where impunity and personal interests will be allowed to reign supreme and have their sway. We have had this stint of democracy for a number of donkey years that should have made us an example in Africa. We shouldn’t be allowing other African countries – South, Africa, Ghana, and even Liberia to be taking the glory of good governance in Africa. We should show growth and development in politics.

Mr Kennedy Weede
– Media Practitioner
To me, I want to say that shifting the elections to March and April is not a welcome development.
Before the postponement, Nigerians have prepared to vote candidates of their choice, to vote a credible leader not a miler. You will agree with me that Nigeria is yet to have a leader. Shifting the election has caused a big mayhem in Nigeria. If the military say they are not prepared for the lections, it then means they have failed Nigerians.
Now they have shifted the elections for six weeks, is it now that they will be well equipped to fight insurgency? You see, Nigeria has come of age, let them not be telling us cock and bull stories. Nigeria is bigger than any individual and I stand to be corrected.
The shifting of the elections has a political undertone and I want to say that in this election, let them allow the peoples’ vote to count because Nigerians are ready to vote a leader of their choice.
On the issue of the collection of PVCs, you will agree with me that what our people here want is money, money, money. It is just now that our people to make up for politics. In the north the political awareness had been them. They equip themselves by registering and collecting their PVCs. If INEC says they have distributed 80% of the PVCs in the north, yes don’t blame them. Our people are after money.
If they go to collect the PVCs and the queue is much, they will go back to do their businesses. That is what is causing the problem now.
Our people are interested in money, not election, while in the north they have equipped themselves even before this time to ensure that they elect their own candidate.
I believe Prof Jega is ready to write his name in the Guinness Book of record. Let them allow him to conduct a credible, free election this year, 2015 and Nigerians are ready for change.

Mr Richards Orji – Missionary
I think the postponent is for the good of the nation. What we want is a peaceful and free election. We don’t want where there will be confusion or trouble. So if the postponement will lead to free and fair elections, I believe that is the best for the nation. It is not good to hurry and then run into trouble. It is better we postpone the elections and do things right. Many people had not collected their PVCs before the initial date of the election and had elections been conducted, they wouldn’t have voted. So it is better to postpone the elections so that people will collect their PVCs. And anybody who fails to collect his PVC within this period will no longer blame INEC.

Mrs Pep Iroroh – Psychologist
I think the postponement of the elections was a good decision taken by INEC, so as not to disenfranchise Nigerians. We are all aware that as at the 7th of February when the polls shift was announced, thousands of eligible voters including myself not collected their voters cards. I made every effort to collect it but all was in vain. I went to the centre where I registered several times but was asked to come back because my card was not available.
And the question is, why disenfranchise the electorate if there is any room for extension.
I believe to have free and fair election is to allow any eligible voter the right to get his/her PVC so as to vote their preferred candidates. It would have been very unfair if elections were held on February 14th and 28th because many people would have been disenfranchised and that would have caused a big problem for the country.

Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

Published

12 hours ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”

Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.

Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.

The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.

One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.

Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.

In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.

Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.

Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.

Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.

Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.

The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.

On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.

In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.

IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.

By: Ivara Favour Isaac

Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

Published

12 hours ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”

In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.

They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.

However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.

History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.

For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”

Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it. Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough

. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

Bazia EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

Published

1 week ago

March 23, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”

The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.

Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’ welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.

Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.

Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.

While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.

Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.

For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.

By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi