Opinion
ASUU Strike: Matters Arising
Hopes that the current strike action embarked upon by the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, may soon come to an end were kindled when the striking lecturers recently signed a memorandum of understanding, MOU, with the federal government. Hitherto, many Nigerians had expressed pessimism that the contending issues would be resolved amicably before the end of the year.
Given developments on the strike, such views appear to be precise as several attempts made by eminent Nigerians to end the impasse ended in invalidity. Rather the situation got worse. Anger, frustration, intimidation and the wanton exercise of impunity characterised the struggle.
While the lecturers employed all tactics to ventilate their grievances including embarking on street protests to sensitise and enlighten Nigerians on what the issues were, law enforcement agents were busy preventing them from exercising their legitimate right to protest.
For instance, in the course of the strike action, members of ASUU of Michael Okpara University of Agriculture, Umudike, Abia State, prepared to go into the streets to protest against the adamant stand of the federal government on the issue. They were however prevented by the police who confined them to the campus. Similar cases abound in other higher institutions where lecturers attempted to protest but were prevented from doing so by law enforcement agents.
It is indeed unfortunate that the ASUU strike has been allowed to fester for so long. The truth is that the lecturers had a point and their agitation was devoid of selfishness. No one is in doubt that an agreement between the union and the federal government was signed in 2009 during late President Shehu Musa Yar’Adua’s regime. And that the pact was entered into voluntarily by both parties.
Though the government thought the pact was not implementable, it later accepted to enforce it. However, the issues that emerged thereafter were whether the understanding reached by both parties on the implementation should be documented or not, the payment of the salary arrears they were owed and evidence of deposit of an initially agreed sum with the Central Bank.
Where honesty and good intention prevailed, the emerging concerns ought not to generate fresh imbroglio. The federal government, which integrity was severely doubted during the entire negotiation process, had the duty to prove that it was sincere with its promises. And the only way that could be demonstrated was for the government to sign the fresh agreement it reached with the union.
I entirely disagree with those who think ASUU dared the president or the federal government by demanding for the legalisation of the pact. What is wrong with asking the government to document promises it willingly made to the lecturers on the negotiation table, especially on matters considered to be purely official? What is the issue with that?
Given the antecedent of Nigerian governments in reneging on agreements it enters into with labour unions and the like, a document showing evidence of the accord reached on a subject as serious as the future of Nigeria’s university education is necessary for future reference, more so when the deal may outlive the current administration.
The federal government must realise that a protracted ASUU strike of this nature does not serve its interest in any way. On the contrary, it is a setback to the nation and dents the already battered image of the government. There was hardly any past administration that did not witness an ASUU strike. But the current one appears to have assumed a strange dimension because of the way it was handled by the powers that be.
I give credit to Mr. President for being the first Nigerian leader to dialogue with ASUU extensively. But no one should think that was a passionate commitment to the quick resolution of the crisis. I think President Jonathan has eventually done the right thing by documenting and signing the decisions he reached with the intellectuals. This was the stand Nigerians wanted the government to take and not the politicisation of the strike or intimidation of the lecturers.
I hope ASUU verified all the claims the government made before it signed the MOU, particularly the N200 billion deposits with the Central Bank? Nigerians will resist a situation where issues will be raised again concerning the implementation of this new understanding. I believe the enforcement of the MOU will mark the end of constant ASUU strikes in the country.
As we look forward to the reopening of the universities, the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, being the umbrella labour union in the country, has to work closely with the government to ensure timely implementation of all the issues agreed upon on the negotiation table. This will end the restiveness in our higher institutions.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
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Opinion
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