Opinion
The Confusion Continues
The hope of many Nigerians to see an end to the confusion and anxiety that have pervaded the country for days over the federal government’s naira redesign policy was again dashed as the Supreme Court last Wednesday adjourned the case instituted over the contentious issue by over twelve state governors till March 3.The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) had extended the deadline for the swap of old N200, N500, and N1,000 from January 31 to February 10 following complaints by many Nigerians but the Supreme Court, after a suit filed by the states, held that the Federal Government, the CBN, commercial banks must not continue with the February 10 deadline pending the determination of a notice in respect of the issue on February 22.
However, President Muhammadu Buhari, in a national broadcast last Thursday, directed the apex bank to release old N200 notes into circulation to co-exist with new N200, N500 and N1,000 banknotes for 60 days — by April 10, 2023, adding that old N500 and N1,000 banknotes have ceased to be legal tender in Nigeria. Nevertheless, in defiance of the president’s directive, some governors like Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State had directed residents of their states to continue to spend the old N500 and N1000 notes until the Supreme Court ruled otherwise. So, while the old N500 and N1000 notes are no longer in use in many states, they “must” be accepted in Kaduna State and the like.
Residents of some border communities in states like Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina, Adamawa and Kwara are said to have opted for the CFA Franc as the new naira notes have become very scarce items across the country. What a country! Central banks in other countries of the world carry out routine redesign of their currency for sundry reasons effortlessly, without subjecting their citizens to untoward hardship as is currently the case in Nigeria. Even here in Nigeria, the notes were changed in 1968 following the misuse of the currency banknotes during the civil war. In April 1984, the colours of all the banknotes in circulation were changed with the exception of the 50 Kobo banknote to arrest the currency trafficking prevalent at the time.
Similarly, in 2009 all lower denomination banknotes, N50, N10 and N5 banknotes were converted to polymer substrate following the successful performance of the N20 (polymer) banknote which had been in use since 2007. Again, the CBN, as part of its contribution towards the celebration of the nation’s 50th anniversary of Nigeria’s Independence and 100 years of its existence as a nation, issued the N50 Commemorative polymer banknote on 29th September, 2010; and the N100 Commemorative banknote on 19th December, 2014 respectively. The old and the new notes were allowed to co-exist until the old ones gradually fizzled out. All these were done without making the citizens keep vigil at Automated Teller Machine (ATM) centres in search of the new naira notes or pregnant women losing their lives because they have no new notes to pay at the hospitals. People did not travel several kilometers to the banks only to be issued N2,000 or N3,000 over the counter out of their hard earned money. Cashless economy is easier, no doubt. It makes life easier and better. By the way, Nigeria has operated a cashless economy for some years now. Many people, particularly those in the cities, pay their electricity bills, cable television subscriptions on-line. Some buy virtually all they need via electronic money transfer. So, let it not be made to seem as if the cashless economy is an innovation in the country.
But commonsensically, our leaders should know that no economy can thrive without cash. There will always be an unbanked population; an informal sector that will require cash to succeed. Lack of enlightenment of the rural populace on the cashless policy, the poor network which has made on-line transfers and shopping a nightmare should have as well been considered. A situation where people queue up for over an hour to buy Petroleum Motor Spirit (PMS) and still spend the same amount of time waiting for their turn to pay through a Point of Sales (POS) operator is not palatable at all. As is typical of some Nigerians, some fuel attendants have capitalized on the prolonged scarcity of fuel and naira notes to rip-off customers who want to buy petrol without physical cash
Stories abound about how pump attendants refuse to accept transfer as mode of payment for fuel and rather direct buyers to POS operators who charge extra amounts on customers who need cash to pay for petrol or want to pay with POS. President Muhammadu Buhari during his last week’s national broadcast said he understood the hardship Nigerians were going through because of the monetary policy but it is doubtful if he truly knows. If he does, he would have taken steps to bring succor to the suffering masses other than the mere directives on the release of the old N200 notes which have not changed anything. In December 2022, the CBN directed deposit money banks and other financial institutions to ensure that over-the-counter cash withdrawals by individuals and corporate entities per week do not exceed N100,000 and N500, 000, respectively. Why can’t the president and the CBN ensure that there is enough money to make this possible?
Could the controversial monetary policy be politically motivated as being speculated by some people? Was there an ulterior aim in tying the naira redesign to the fight against vote buying, corruption and insecurity as the apex bank claimed? When did it become the duty of the CBN to fight vote buying? Is there no better way, effective way of checking vote buying other than suffering the citizens? And why punish the ordinary people that have no business with buying and selling of votes? the last time I checked, no top politician vying for any political office queues up at banks or ATM centers to withdraw money. They transfer funds electronically and this, as experts say, is easy to track.
Yes, Nigerians ought to be angry with the state governors for not showing interest in the affairs of the citizens all these years – ASUU strike, fuel scarcity, workers’ welfare, lynching of Deborah Yakubu in Sokoto and many others. In all these travails, the governors never spoke up for the citizens whom they govern, thereby making some Nigerians question their interests in the legal battle against the naira redesign policy. But since they said they are doing so in the interest of the suffering masses, that should count for something.
Whatever legal measures that need to be adopted to compel the CBN and the federal government to desist from draining the country of cash should be supported by all.
Our prior interest should be how to ameliorate the pains of Nigerians brought about by little or no cash in circulation. Some analysts have described the monetary policy as ill timed, ill conceived and ill implemented and the height of the poor policies of the current administration which has taken Nigeria several steps backward and have brought the citizens great pain and agony.
But we must not forget that whoever will be elected president cannot perform miracle overnight. Objectively speaking, Nigerians should be ready to suffer and make sacrifices for the first tenure of the incoming government before we can begin to perceive the Eldorado. People in authority and those close to them will tell you that there are more to the problems of Nigeria than meets the eye and that there are individuals and countries (the world powers inclusive) who do not want Nigeria to have a good leader for their own selfish interests. So, for the incoming government to succeed, for us to have a country of our dream, the support and cooperation of everyone, every tribe and religion will be needed.
By; Calista Ezeaku
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform
Opinion
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