Opinion
The Injustice Of Delayed Justice
Pre-trial detention commonly referred to as awaiting trial in Nigeria is an evil that has continued to destroy thousands of lives globally. The data made available by the Nigerian Correction Service (NCS), indicates that as at October 2021, the number of awaiting trial inmates in Nigeria is 74per cent, as compared to 38.2per cent in the US, 13.2per cent in Ghana, and 29.3per cent in South Africa. The implication of this revelation is that three out of every four inmates are awaiting trial; and until last week, Mr. Maxwell Dele was one of them. His release after 11 years of incarceration without trial and the associated back story have brought back the issues of awaiting trial and prison congestion to the table of public discussion.
The release of Mr. Maxwell Dele was facilitated by Advocates Sans Frontiere France (lawyers without borders). According to the story, he was tortured and compelled to sign a pre-written statement by the now disbanded, infamous SARS police unit, before being taken to court, and subsequently remanded for 11 years for a crime that his neighbour allegedly committed. He is just one person out of more than 36,000 inmates awaiting trial in Nigeria.
Mr Dele’s case is a vivid example of the fate of thousands of the less privileged in our society who find themselves on the wrong side of the law, either by commission, association, or being roped in by the pecuniary proclivities of the Nigerian police. These men and women, some of them innocent, but unfortunately unable to provide their own legal defence, have been denied the right to live like human beings; rights to personal freedom, liberty, and fair trial. These rights are provided for in articles (6) and (7) of the African Charter for Human and People’s Rights; and also, in sections 35 and 41 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended.
It is quite unfortunate that, in spite of the awareness that the population of awaiting trial inmates is putting a strain on existing facilities, the government has refused to tackle the problem at the root. During President Jonathan’s administration, a committee led by John Odah gave a damning report that Nigerian prisons are unfit for human habitation, but nothing tangible was done to change the narrative. The current government’s idea is to expand correctional facilities in the country, by building seven 3000-capacity correctional facilities, one in the FCT, and one in each of the six geopolitical zones, starting from Kano in the North West and Rivers in the South South.
Building new correctional facilities is good; however, it does not solve the problem, since it does not make mathematical sense; because the number of awaiting trial inmates in Nigerian prisons is in excess of 36,000. If the FG erects seven new facilities of 3000 capacity each, giving a total additional capacity of 21,000, there is still a deficit of 15000, meaning that the problem of congestion remains.While policymakers continue to sleep-walk on the decisions that could speed up the wheel of justice, the plight of inmates, of which 74per cent are awaiting trial is deteriorating, and a good number of them are already damaged psychologically. Research sponsored by Carmelite Prisons’ Organisation, using the Raven’s Progressive Matrices, a general intelligence test, showed a significant cognitive decline rate that is faster among awaiting trial inmates relative to their convicted counterparts. This implies that the longer suspects remain in the limbo of pre-trial, the harder it might be for them to lead a normal life when they are eventually released.
The government at both the federal and state levels are completely responsible for the thousands of inmates languishing in Nigerian prisons without trial, and the first agency of government complicity in this evil is the police. They fill up the correctional facilities with mass and arbitrary arrests, tardy investigations, and wrong profiling of suspects.
Secondly, the delay or outright refusal of policymakers within the judiciary to expand the scope of the cases a magistrate could handle is a very huge contributor to the plague of awaiting trial cases; due to the fact that suspects would have to wait, sometimes indefinitely, for their cases to be reassigned for lack of jurisdiction. As a result, some of the inmates virtually do not exist in the judiciary system because of missing case files. As was the case of Sikiru Alade who was arrested in March 2003 when he was 30 years; and detained in Kirikiri Maximum Prison without trial for nine years. During the hearing for his release in 2012, the FG claimed he was never in their system, even when there was evidence to the contrary.
Thirdly, the illegal activities of wardens contribute in no small measure to the suffering of awaiting trial inmates. In one of my recent pieces, I made mention of the amount of humanitarian good done for Nigerians, in Nigeria by organisations from other nations, and today’s piece was occasioned by the fruits of the Labour of one of such groups, ASF France. It begs the question, what are Nigerians doing for Nigerians in this regard? What role has a major behemoth like the Nigerian Bar Association been playing to reduce or eradicate this plague? How often has the NBA in various states visited prison inmates, especially those awaiting trial for the purpose of assisting those in need? How many of their members actually schedule quarterly pro-bono services for those without the means to afford legal defence? With the thousands languishing in the almost infinite conveyor belt of awaiting trial, it is apparent that our legal men and women are missing in action in the service of the downtrodden.
Besides the NBA, the Church is mandated to visit those in prison; and I know there are various Churches and Christian organisations doing this. However, it is my belief, that this mandate goes beyond teaching the Bible and bringing relief to those in prisons. Christians also have the mandate of speaking for those who are unable to speak for themselves. In this regard, Christians, and especially so-called mega Churches with all the requisite resources to do this are failing even those in their local assemblies. Most Churches with legal teams are only activated to defend the Church and so-called ‘Men of God’; whereas, the Church’s legal capacity ought to be deployed in the defence of those without a means and voice. In as much as various interest groups, can, and should take steps geared towards alleviating the plights of thousands of inmates awaiting trial, the ultimate responsibility for repairing the damaged justice system lies squarely on the shoulders of the government. Government must begin to take concrete steps to set in motion those policies that would deal with the root cause of the ugly situation. Arbitrary and mass arrests and detention should be outlawed; magistrates and judges should be willing to toss tardy investigated cases.
The federal government should encourage other state governments to borrow a leaf from Lagos State, to implement a similar plea-bargain programme for awaiting trial inmates as a major avenue to curbing the menace. The Chief Justice of the Federation should also encourage State Chief Judges to routinely hold a monthly or quarterly session at major correctional facilities for the purpose of setting free inmates who have been incarcerated for more than four years, depending on the severity of the alleged crime. There are thousands of Maxwells and Sikirus languishing in correctional facilities across the country. Most of them have been emotionally and mentally damaged; most have been completely forgotten, yet they are compelled to live under conditions no human being should be subjected to. Sadly, some of them might be innocent. But no one deserves to go through such life wasting ordeal.
By: Raphael Pepple
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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