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Tinubu Vs Oronsaye’s  Report

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Comparing President Bola Tinubu’s government and that of his predecessor, Mohammadu Buhari, some Tinubu protégés are quick to opine that unlike Buhari who was hardly aware of what was happening across the country and took no prompt action to address the problems,  Tinubu listens to the complains of the people and takes action. They often cite the government’s response to the demands of organised labour and his recent agreement with state governors to establish state police in the country as part of measures to check the rising wave of insecurity in the country. The most recent addition to their claim is the federal executive council’s decision to implement the recommendations of the Steve Oronsaye panel on the restructuring and rationalisation of the federal agencies, parastatals and commissions as a way of reducing the cost of governance among others.
What some of these Tinubu’s supporters and beneficiaries of the current government will not point out is that the past nine months of this government has been the worst time in the country in decades past. They will not admit that the protest against hunger, poverty and insecurity across the country is a way of telling the government that enough is enough and that the government had better fix the country before it’s too late. Rather they hold onto the erroneous belief that the protests are politically sponsored. During his campaign, Alhaji Bola Ahmed Tinubu, now President, told Nigerians that he had a great and unbreakable team when he was the governor of Lagos State, including Cardoso (the headmaster), Wale Edun, Dele Alake and others. With the great team, he assured that the nation would be in good hands and the economy would thrive.
What has happened to the team now? Why has the nation’s currency been on a free fall, there’s hike in interest rate and Nigerians are dying of hunger under their watch? Have they lost steam and ran out of ideas?Leadership is more than being a great orator. It requires critical thinking and proper analysing of the challenges on ground and taking calculated and prompt action to address them. The problem of high cost of governance has been a big issue in the country long before Tinubu came on board with people from all walks of life and organisations constantly canvassing for reduction in the cost of governance.   Before his inauguration  on May 29, 2023, speculations were rife that Tinubu would merge or consolidate overlapping ministries, departments, and agencies to eliminate duplication of functions.  There were expectations that government structures would be streamlined to make them more efficient as recommended in the famous  Oronsaye’s report. In 2011, former President Goodluck Jonathan, had set up the Presidential Committee on Restructuring and Rationalisation of Federal Government Parastatals, Commission and Agencies under the leadership of the former Head of Service, Stephen Oronsaye. Part of the recommendations of the panel include: reduction of statutory agencies from 263 to 161, scrapping 38 agencies, merging 52, and reverting 14 to departments in different ministries. Unfortunately,not only did the Tinubu not act on the report promptly as expected, he rather created additional five ministeries, (Marine and Blue Economy, Tourism, Art, Culture and the Creative Economy, Gas Resources and Steel Development), bringing the total number of ministeries to 48, the highest in the history of the country. The question is, is the implementation of the Oronsaye’s report  one of the knee-ferk policy formulations and inept implementations-mostly reactive and scapegoating that have characterised the current administration? If the president intended to implement the report, why did he create more ministeries?
Is the implementation of the Oronsaye’s report a right step? Yes it is. Reports have it that since 2012 when the report was submitted, the number of MDAs have risen to over 1300 with many of them performing basically the same function. Therefore, merging or scrapping some of the MDAs can lead to cost savings through the reduction of duplicated functions, elimination of overlapping roles, and streamlining of administrative processes. This can result in a more efficient allocation of resources.By eliminating redundancies and improving coordination, merged entities may be better equipped to provide more effective and timely services to the public. This can lead to improved overall service delivery and citizen satisfaction, among other benefits.However, as desirable and rationalisation of MDAs may be, one should hope it is thought through, far-reaching and crucial stakeholders involved.
Government should be wary of taking measures that will worsen the woes of the masses, particularly the civil servants instead of ameliorating it. Let us hope that the government will stick to its words of not allowing the move to lead to job losses and redundancies in the affected agencies. It is important to note that the success of any merger depends on careful planning, stakeholder engagement and effective implementation. The George Akume-led Committee, saddled with the responsibility to midwife the necessary restructuring and legislative amendments, needed to ensure full actualisation of the approvals granted ought to be diligent in carrying out their job. The committee should consider the potential challenges and downsides, such as resistance to change and disruptions in the short term. Having said that, one must also align with the views of the Human Rights Activist, Femi Falana and other well-meaning Nigerians, that the reduction of cost of governance goes beyond the scrapping or merging of MDAs.
Deeper cuts in the cost of governance are required from State House to Government Houses. Practical and relatable austere lifestyle for official and conduct of government businesses are desiderata. Having 38 delegates, including two Tinubu’s for a state visit to Qatar amid a nationwide protest against hardship and hunger in the land, does not indicate that the president is serious about cutting the cost of governance. What about reducing the salaries and allowances of public officials, including political officeholders, to align them with economic realities? What about spending less for the purchase of exotic cars for the first lady, governors’ wives, federal and state lawmakers and other people in the corridors of power? How about sincerely dealing with corruption and stopping stealing of the commonwealth which has long become the order of the day across all sectors of the economy?
During the last presidential election campaigns, one of the presidential candidates harped so much on moving the nation’s economy from consumption to production. Explaining that, economists said Nigeria should begin to produce what we consume locally and export to other countries. They say that investment in exchange competitive activities is the only sure way to strengthen the Naira and make life more meaningful for the citizens. Sincerely, that is what the nation needs now. Governments at all levels must deliberately invest in the manufacturing and production sectors. Revival of the dying textile industries in the country must be prioritised. Let us make maximum use of our huge population for the growth of the economy as China is enviably doing. To achieve this, one must emphasise the need for the state governors to get involved in the means of production
Often, attention is being focused on the federal government, while the state governors expenditures are left unscrutinised. Recently, the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, revealed the huge sums of money the governors have so far received from the Federation Account to alleviate inflation and the high cost of food in their respective states. What have the governors done with this money? This and other allocations should be utilised for the states and their citizens. And to the widely known fact, without crushing insecurity across the country, especially in the large-food-growing belts to enable Nigerians carry on with the agricultural activities unhindered, no programme or reform will produce the desired result.

Calista Ezeaku

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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