Opinion
Irony Of Buhari’s Exit
The immediate past administration at the Federal level was known for always making statements which later turned out to be comical prank or “April Fool”. Recall that the former President and Minister of Petroleum Resouces, Muhammadu Buhari had, eight months to the expiration of his tenure as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria assured Nigerians that he would leave Nigeria on May 29, 2023 a better country than when he took over from his predecessor, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, in 2015. Since he made that statement, many people analysed the feasibility and workability of his assurance considering the state of the economy and other sectors of the country that are in comatose vis-a-vis the short time left for him. The economy, to say the least, was depressed, worsened by high rate of inflationary trends. The cost of living was all time high during President Buhari’s eight years of “Pluto-Democratic” (a democracy run by few rich people) administration.
The education sector did not fare well either. Universities in Nigeria suffered one of the worst neglects in the annals of the history of Nigeria. Public universities were shut down for about eight months. The protracted face -off between the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the Federal Government lingered and is not resolved because the former administration under Muhammadu Buhari did not make reasonable efforts to meet the core demands of the Academic Staff Union of Universities. Consequently, students’ academic programmes were extended: students that would have graduated last year and of course every other student, are still one year behind. No thanks to Buhari’s administration.
Rather than addressing the salient issues of welfare, infrastructure and quality manpower for better productivity, the Federal Government recognised two other trade unions within the university sector with the intent to whittle down the influence of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, -an act which labour leaders and human rights activists described as repugnant to extant Labour laws in the country and diversionary. No thanks to Dr. Chris Ngige, the maradonic Labour Minister of President Buhari’s administration. Nigerians will not forget in a hurry the draconian currency swap and Naira Redesign that posed great hardship on the people. For the first time, Nigerians bought their own money, paying outrageous charges to access money in their own accounts.
During the immediate past administration, prices of petroleum products were upwardly reviewed five times. The premium motor spirit price of N65 per litre which the Buhari administration inherited in 2015 from Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s administration was N295 per litre upon Buhari’s exit. Today, it is about N600 per litre. Diesel is a scarce commodity sold at exorbitant price, thus, negatively impacting the cost of production. Of course, it is not saying a new thing that several industries have scaled down production capacity, other small and medium scale businesses that thrived before the inception of the Buhari’s administration in 2015 are either gasping for breath for survival or moribund because of high cost of petroleum products occasioned by its unavailability. Before the inception of Buhari’s administration, kerosene was not only available, it was dispensed at petrol stations at N50 per litre pump price which was user-friendly.
Today, kerosene is out of stock and unaffordable. A 20 litre Jerry can of kerosene presently sells for N16,000 as against N1,200 former president Muhammadu Buhari inherited. As at 2015 when the outgone Federal Government came to power, a bag of quality rice was N6,000. At the exit of that government, it is N46, 000 about 800 percent increase. The former administration came to power on the mantra of ridding the country of the “corruption of Goodluck Jonathan’s administration” but it has produced some of the most corrupt leaders and abysmally corruption cases in the country so much so that the Dr. Jonathan’s administration that Buhari’s administration accused of corruption, comparatively enjoyed acceptance and popularity. Life was better in the alleged corrupt administration of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan than the “corruption intolerant” Buhari administration that people demand a corrupt administration with better life than a saintly administration with penury and hardship. It was a clear case of the proverbial kettle calling the pot black.
As at June 2022, Nigeria was the fourth most indebted nation in the world with a 13 billion dollars debt stock according to International Development Association. Nigeria was also rated among the first ten most corrupt countries in the world by the Transparency International. What happened to the public servants pension contributions? The number of out-of-school children is on a geometric increase. For instance, within one year of former president Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, 20 million children were out of school in 2022 as against 10 million in 2021. Speculatively, the number shall have increased to 30 million by 2023 because of unemployment, depressed economy and unbearable high cost of living making parents not to be able to provide for the basic necessities of their children, including their educational needs.
Today, the value of Nigeria’s currency has comparatively dropped to about N515 per dollar in the official market as against N295 per dollar as at 2015. Nigeria experienced the worst incidents of insecurity during the administration of Buhari than the preceding administration, so much so that the clamour for State Police, regional security and internal or neighborhood security outfits were vigorously pursued. The sanctity of life was compromised as faceless people killed with impunity. As at 2015 only one incident of Boko Haram invasion of school was recorded. And that was the Chibok girls. During the administration of Buhari about five cases were recorded. Buhari was the substantive Minister of Petroleum Resources for eight years, yet he could not revamp existing refineries in eight years.
But the Dangote Group built the largest single train oil refinery in the world in the same period with the nation’s equity fund. Yet with such unfriendly indices which smack of a sickly and failed state, the former president Muhammadu Buhari in his farewell address to Nigerians on Monday May 29, said: I am confident that I am leaving office with Nigeria better in 2023 than in 2015. Is it a joke or a prank on the sensibility of Nigerians. Should any conscientious and analytical mind agree with the position of former Mr. President? In my considered but candid opinion, the answer is No!
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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