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Editorial

2023: Northern Govs Got It Wrong

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Rising from an emergency meeting last Monday after widespread consultations, Northern state governors,
under the auspices of the Northern Governors Forum, emirs, and chiefs from the region handed out an 11-point communiqué on numerous issues of national concern. Nonetheless, only two or a few more hit the headlines in the media — the rotation of the position of President between the North and the South and the appropriate agency to collect the value-added tax (VAT).
The two fundamental resolutions of the governors were the repudiation of a rotational system ensuring that the South produces the next President of the country in 2023 and their opposition to the collection of VAT by states. The stand of the Northern governors and elders from the region is an infelicitous response to the posture of the Southern Governors Forum, which has gathered a couple of occasions in recent months, insisting on producing the next President of Nigeria from the region.
Governors of the North maintain that zoning is not recognised in Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution. Their claim is if indeed there is a zoning pattern, the North will have to square up with the times the South presided over the country as President since the onset of the 4th Republic. The Northern governors were reportedly angered by the use of the term “must” by their Southern colleagues while expressing their preference for a Southern President. In their view, that word implies imposition, not persuasion, in a polity where no one craves to be browbeaten or perceived to be susceptible.
The North invariably has the misguided supposition that after the tragic death of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in his first term on May 5, 2010, their tenure was curtailed. His deputy at the time, former President Goodluck Jonathan, succeeded him, completed that mandate, won the presidential election in 2011 and governed until 2015. He lost in his ultimate bid in that year’s election following a gang-up on him by the Northern elite.
It is difficult to figure out how these Northern governors claim there is no statutory plan for zoning, but maintain that the South usurped their turn when Jonathan assumed leadership in the same breath. This is a clear admittance of zoning. These governors speak from both sides of their mouths and are being clever by half. The truth is, however it is seen, zoning exists even in the slightest political offices in the country. 
There is unquestionably nothing improper with the stand of the Southern governors from the political and geographical viewpoints. Though the Constitution does not explicitly create room for zoning, political parties have deeply ingrained the tradition in their power-sharing deal. Besides, our Constitution stipulates a federal character principle, which is a camouflaged form of girdling to guarantee equal diffusion of appointments to forestall endeavours by any ethnic group to monopolise the nation’s affairs.
As the Northern governors controvert the reality of zoning in the Constitution, what validates the prevalent practice in which both the President and his vice do not, in the main, come from the same zone? Has the practice not been that if the President comes out from the North, the South will produce the Vice President and vice versa? Or was there a time in the history of Nigeria when both offices were occupied by persons from the same section? Not as far as we can tell.
This political fenestration is a derivative of commonsense and has been occurring, even in the military era, as historical records have repeatedly indicated. In fact, besides geographical balance, there is again the prevailing consideration of religious balancing. The only conceivable occasion that would have been altered was in the June 12, 1993, presidential election, when the late Chief Moshood Abiola picked a fellow Muslim, Babagana Kingibe, as vice.
In line with logical ratiocination, it should be presumed that having served broad two terms of eight years by May 29, 2023, the incumbent President, Muhammadu Buhari, from the Northern part of the country, should be succeeded by someone from the Southern divide to illustrate the much-touted unity and appropriate a sense of belonging to that part of the country.
More importantly, relinquishing power to the South will not only douse ongoing separatist agitations that rummage the country, it will equally drench the generalised suspicion of estrangement and resentment among the disparate constituents of the Nigerian federation, a situation that has also deepened mistrust and incentivized others who use agitations based on the need for power rotation as mere masks for engaging in other personal and subjective agenda.
On the vexatious VAT matter upon which Lagos and Rivers States have instituted statutes, it is unsurprising that the Northern governors also countered the position of their Southern counterparts. According to them, VAT is being confused by governors in the South as a sales tax and that if every state formulates its VAT legislation, multiple taxation will result, and that will insure an escalation in prices of goods and services which might disintegrate inter-state commerce. This cannot extenuate the necessity for states to demand the tax, as it could conveniently be worked out by the central authorities.
Unfortunately, the governors from the North seem amenable to abandon constitutionally entrenched state rights like the VAT collection to the Federal Government. In this regard, they have perpetrated a tremendous injustice to the conception of fiscal federalism and the ingenuity of states to obtain necessary revenue for their survival. Like sales tax, VAT is a consumption tax levied on the “value added” to goods and services from production to the final consumption stage.
But, beyond the VAT collection imbroglio, why do states depend on the revenue generated from other states to pull through, yet are unbearably smug about it? Why do states that extirpate sources of VAT like alcohol profit from earnings reaped from it in other states, and even get higher? Why do Northern leaders broach a pernicious and defective impression that the North has a bigger stake in the Nigerian undertaking than the South? Those are pivotal questions, earnestly demanding some feedback.
The way out of the dissenting positions of the governors from both regions on power shift in 2023 is dialogue, not confrontation. Accordingly, we urge the Southern governors to actively engage their Northern counterparts in constructive conversations on the way forward. Both parties must identify an alternative to traverse the cleavage lying between them, particularly as their rhetoric jigsaws the country, provoking further mischief. This country has enough troubles.

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Editorial

For A Prosperous 2026

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As 2026 begins, Nigeria stands once again at a defining crossroads. The expectations of citizens are high, patience is thin, and the responsibility of leadership has never been more urgent. This year must not be another season of rhetoric; it must be a year of deliberate action that restores confidence in the country and renews hope among the people.
Foremost on the national agenda is security. From terrorism and banditry to kidnapping and communal violence, insecurity continues to erode lives, livelihoods, and national cohesion. Government must strengthen the current fight against insecurity by improving intelligence gathering, equipping security agencies adequately, boosting morale, and deepening cooperation among federal, state, and local authorities.
In this effort, continuous collaboration with strategic partners such as the United States remains crucial. Beyond military support, such partnerships should focus on intelligence sharing, counter-terrorism training, cyber security, and capacity building for law enforcement. Nigeria must leverage international alliances while retaining firm ownership of its security strategy.
Equally pressing is the ailing economy. Inflation, unemployment, and currency instability have placed enormous pressure on households and businesses. 2026 should be the year of hard economic choices—fiscal discipline, support for local production, targeted social protection, and policies that encourage investment, especially in agriculture, manufacturing, and technology.
Infrastructural development must also move from promise to performance. Roads, rail, power, ports, and digital infrastructure are not luxuries but foundations of growth. A clear focus on completing ongoing projects, rather than endlessly inaugurating new ones, will signal seriousness and deliver measurable benefits to citizens.
As the nation looks ahead, preparations for the 2027 general elections must begin now. Credible elections are central to democratic stability. Political actors should moderate their conduct, while citizens must be encouraged to engage peacefully and responsibly in the democratic process.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has a special duty in this regard. Early preparations—logistics, voter education, technology upgrades, and staff training—are essential to avoid the familiar last-minute challenges. Transparency and consistency from INEC will go a long way in rebuilding public trust.
In Rivers State, 2026 carries its own weight of expectations. Immediate attention must be paid to preparations for the February bye-elections to fill two vacant seats in the State House of Assembly. INEC, political parties, security agencies, and community leaders must work together to ensure peaceful, credible polls free from intimidation and violence.
Beyond the bye-elections, the state must deliberately cultivate peace as it moves toward the 2027 elections. Rivers has paid a heavy price in the past for political tension and conflict. The lessons are clear: development cannot thrive in an atmosphere of perpetual crisis.
The resurging political crisis in the state must therefore be urgently contained. All stakeholders—across party lines—should put Rivers first, choosing dialogue over confrontation. Institutions must be respected, and the rule of law upheld, to prevent political disagreements from degenerating into instability.
Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s administration must remain focused and undistracted. Governance demands clarity of purpose. The people elected this government to deliver results, not to be consumed by endless political battles that divert energy from service delivery.
Security remains paramount at the state level as well. A secure Rivers State will attract investment, protect individuals and communities, and enable economic activity. Strengthening collaboration between state authorities, security agencies, and local communities should be a top priority in 2026.
Job creation, especially for young people, must also take centre stage. Education and healthcare require renewed investment, not just in infrastructure but in quality and access. A healthy, skilled population is the strongest asset any state can possess.
Ultimately, 2026 should be a year of reset for both Nigeria and Rivers State, a year when leaders choose responsibility over rivalry and vision over short-term gain. If security is strengthened, institutions are respected, and the welfare of citizens remains paramount, the foundations for a more stable and prosperous 2027 will have been firmly laid.
The media, civil society, and traditional institutions also have a crucial role to play in 2026. Agenda-setting must go beyond politics to issues of accountability, transparency, and civic responsibility. Citizens must be consistently informed, not inflamed; mobilised, not manipulated. A vigilant public space will help ensure that leaders at both national and state levels remain responsive to the people they serve.
History will judge 2026 by the choices made today. Nigeria and Rivers State cannot afford drift or distraction. What is required is steady leadership, collective responsibility, and an unwavering focus on peace, development, and democratic integrity. If these priorities guide action throughout the year, 2026 can become a turning point rather than another missed opportunity.
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Editorial

Task Before New Defence Minister 

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The appointment of General Christopher Musa as Nigeria’s Defence Minister has been met with widespread approval across the nation, and rightly so. After his commendable tenure as Chief of Defence Staff, where he demonstrated exceptional leadership and strategic acumen, Nigerians are justified in their optimism that he possesses the requisite credentials to tackle the country’s mounting security challenges. This is not merely another political appointment; it represents a deliberate and overdue shift towards placing experienced military personnel at the helm of our defence apparatus. The stakes could not be higher, and the nation’s expectations are correspondingly elevated.
For once, the Senate demonstrated the thoroughness that Nigerians have long demanded from their legislators. During approximately five hours of screening, General Musa faced rigorous questioning rather than the perfunctory “take a bow and go” treatment that has become the hallmark of senatorial confirmations. This meticulous approach signals a refreshing departure from the rubber-stamp mentality that has characterised many previous appointments. The lawmakers deserve commendation for recognising the gravity of the defence portfolio and subjecting the nominee to proper scrutiny. We can only hope this sets a precedent for future ministerial screenings.
President Bola Tinubu deserves credit for making what appears to be a pragmatic and judicious decision. By appointing someone with robust military credentials and intelligence expertise, the President has demonstrated an understanding that Nigeria’s security crisis demands specialised knowledge and battlefield experience. This appointment suggests a willingness to prioritise competence over political patronage, a quality that has been sorely lacking in previous administrations. The President must be encouraged to maintain this standard across other critical appointments.
The departure of Mohammed Badaru Abubakar from the Defence Ministry should serve as a lesson in the importance of matching expertise to responsibility. Whilst Mr Abubakar may possess political acumen, his lack of military background rendered him ill-equipped for the complexities of national defence. He was, in every sense, a square peg in a round hole. The previous arrangement, which saw two politicians manning the Defence Ministry, was nothing short of a misnomer. One cannot credibly oversee military operations without understanding military strategy, tactics, and the psychology of warfare. The mistake should not be repeated.
Whilst we applaud both the President for this appointment and the Senate for their diligent screening, the real test lies ahead. General Musa must now prove his mettle in the theatre of action. Words and credentials, however impressive, mean little without tangible results. Nigeria has suffered too long under the scourge of insecurity, with bandits, terrorists, and kidnappers operating with impunity across vast swathes of the country. The new minister must act decisively to save the nation from the embarrassment of continued security failures. The time for excuses has passed; Nigerians demand results.
During his screening, General Musa made a particularly important pledge: to end the patronage of bandits and terrorists by state governors. This commitment strikes at the heart of one of Nigeria’s most troubling security contradictions. The practice of negotiating with criminals, often facilitated or endorsed by state governments, has emboldened these miscreants and transformed banditry into a profitable enterprise. Such negotiations amount to nothing less than aiding and abetting criminality. General Musa’s promise to treat these elements as the criminals they are, rather than as legitimate negotiating partners, is commendable and must be pursued with unwavering resolve. There can be no compromise on this principle.
The new minister must undertake a comprehensive overhaul of Nigeria’s security architecture to enhance military effectiveness. This requires close collaboration with the service chiefs to establish clear objectives and ensure coordinated execution. Beyond structural reforms, General Musa must address the discipline deficit within the military ranks. Reports of corruption, negligence, and complicity in security breaches have eroded public confidence in the armed forces. Restoring discipline is not merely an administrative matter; it is fundamental to rebuilding the military’s credibility and operational effectiveness. Without discipline, no amount of equipment or funding will suffice.
General Musa’s promise to investigate the mysterious withdrawal of soldiers from the school in Kebbi State, which preceded the kidnapping of students, demonstrates a welcome commitment to accountability. This incident exemplifies the inexplicable lapses that have characterised Nigeria’s security response. Someone ordered or permitted that withdrawal, and the timing suggests either catastrophic incompetence or deliberate sabotage. The minister must get to the root of this matter and ensure that culprits face appropriate sanctions. Only through such decisive action can he send a clear message that negligence and complicity will no longer be tolerated.
However, Musa cannot succeed without adequate resources. The Federal Government must provide sufficient funding to enable the Defence Ministry to perform optimally. Next year’s budgetary allocation must reflect the enormous task at hand. It is counterproductive to demand results whilst starving the military of the resources necessary for modern warfare. This includes investment in intelligence gathering, modern weaponry, surveillance technology, and troop welfare. A poorly equipped and demoralised military cannot be expected to defeat well-armed insurgents and bandits who increasingly possess sophisticated weaponry.
The political class must resist the temptation to interfere with the General’s work. Whilst many politicians publicly profess support for the fight against insecurity, evidence suggests that some work surreptitiously to undermine these efforts for personal or political gain. Whether through the aforementioned negotiations with bandits, the protection of criminal elements, or the diversion of security funds, political interference has consistently sabotaged military operations. General Musa must be given the autonomy to perform his duties professionally. Only then can he be fairly held accountable for outcomes. The President must shield him from political machinations and vested interests.
The military must abandon its reactive, fire brigade approach to security operations. Waiting to respond only after attacks have occurred is a strategy of perpetual failure. The armed forces must take the fight to the criminals’ hideouts, conducting sustained offensive operations that dismantle their infrastructure and eliminate their capacity to strike. This requires robust intelligence, rapid deployment capabilities, and the political will to sustain operations until objectives are achieved. Proactive military engagement, not defensive positioning, is what the situation demands.
Nigeria’s porous borders represent a critical vulnerability that demands immediate attention. Countries around the world have recognised that border security is fundamental to national security. India has erected comprehensive fencing along its border with Pakistan specifically to prevent terrorist infiltration. Israel has constructed sophisticated barrier systems along multiple borders. Hungary built fences along its borders with Serbia and Croatia. Even the United States has invested billions in border security infrastructure. These nations understand what Nigeria seems reluctant to acknowledge: that uncontrolled borders invite national disaster.
Our borders remain scandalously porous, serving as entry points for the foreign fighters who constitute a proportion of those conducting attacks on Nigerian soil. The Lake Chad Basin, where Nigeria shares borders with Cameroon, Niger, and Chad, has become a particularly problematic corridor through which terrorists move freely. Without proper border infrastructure, surveillance systems, and adequate personnel deployment, Nigeria will continue to face an endless influx of armed criminals. The Defence Minister must prioritise border security as part of a comprehensive strategy to protect Nigerian lives and territory. The appointment of a competent Defence Minister means little if our borders remain open highways for those who wish us harm.
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Editorial

HYPREP And The Collapsed Water Tank

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The recent collapse of a water tank built by the Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP) in the Gwara area of Ogoni in Rivers State is an alarming reminder of how easily public faith in government interventions can erode when development projects fail so soon after their unveiling. The incident has stirred deep concern across the state, raising doubts about whether the communities can truly rely on the structures meant to improve their lives.
Only days earlier, the Minister of Environment, Balarabe Lawal, had proudly inaugurated two water projects in Bane and Gwara communities in the Khana Local Government Area, with residents celebrating what they believed would mark a new chapter in access to clean and safe drinking water. The communities had hoped these projects would bring long-awaited relief and stand as symbols of meaningful government presence.
Yet in an unexpectedly disturbing turn of events, the Gwara water station, designed to supply potable water to about 14 communities, collapsed merely three days after the commissioning. This rapid failure has left residents not only shocked but also frustrated, as such an outcome suggests deep flaws in planning, execution, supervision, or all three combined.
Some natives allege that the debacle resulted from the use of inferior construction materials, raising a serious accusation that calls into question the level of professionalism involved. If such claims turn out to be true, then the collapse becomes more than an accident; it becomes evidence of negligence that could have endangered several lives.
Others are alleging outright sabotage, a troubling claim that suggests there may be forces actively working against the progress of development projects in the area. This possibility only widens the scope of questions that investigators must answer to restore public confidence.
Meanwhile, HYPREP insists that its water projects in other Ogoni communities are functioning efficiently and that this particular incident does not define the overall quality of its work. However, this defence, while necessary, does little to calm a community that has already seen too many failed promises over the years.
This situation raises an important question about whether the good work of HYPREP is being undermined by unscrupulous individuals whose interests may not align with the welfare of the people. If sabotage is indeed at play, then identifying those responsible becomes crucial in preventing further setbacks.
Given the gravity of the matter, the collapse requires an immediate and rigorous investigation to uncover what truly happened and why. It is reassuring that a committee has already been set up to delve into the details, but the public expects nothing short of a transparent and thorough process.
The fact remains that if the tank had collapsed on people, the community would be counting casualties and dealing with a deeply grievous tragedy. The near-miss should serve as a wake-up call about the potential dangers that poorly executed infrastructure projects pose in vulnerable areas.
It is therefore expected that the findings of the committee will expose the actual competence or otherwise of the contractors HYPREP engages. Only a reliable and professional team can successfully deliver the kind of durable infrastructure that the Ogoni people deserve.
If such a catastrophe can occur just days after commissioning, it indicates that similar incidents may happen again in the future unless deliberate and strategic efforts are made to prevent them. Preventive measures must become a standard part of project planning and monitoring.
The public cannot help but question why an organisation as financially endowed as HYPREP appears unable to deliver a credible water project for the Gwara community. With the massive resources at its disposal, the people expect excellence, not excuses.
Ogoni, being a historically volatile area whose people have endured relentless injustice and environmental degradation, cannot afford provocations of this nature. A crisis could easily have been triggered if the collapse had caused casualties or severe destruction.
More regrettably, the Ogoni clean-up has evolved into a lucrative cash cow for corrupt officials who seem more interested in contracts and kickbacks than in the wellbeing of the people. Meanwhile, residents continue to drink polluted water, suffer from inadequate healthcare, and navigate treacherous road networks.
Communities across Ogoniland must refuse to remain silent when substandard projects are imposed on them. Their voices and vigilance are vital in demanding accountability and ensuring that development interventions truly meet their needs.
HYPREP, on its part, must reaffirm an unwavering commitment to quality, transparency, and accountability in all ongoing and future water projects across Ogoni. Only through this can it rebuild trust and demonstrate that it genuinely prioritises the people.
Finally, HYPREP must enforce rigorous internal and external quality assurance mechanisms that leave no room for negligence. Restoration work should commence urgently, with all efforts dedicated to ensuring that project delivery meets global standards and restore hope to the long-suffering communities of Ogoniland.
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