Opinion
State Police: To Be Or Not
The talk about state police has been on as long as one can remember. During the 2014 National Conference, it was a key issue for debate with the delegates approving the establishment of state police to strengthen security in the country. Though it was for states that could afford it, many people saw it as a giant leap into the much talked about true federalism, where states or federating units will be allowed by law, to own police and some institutions of government that enhance the administration of justice.
I recall doing a vox pop on the controversial topic in 2014 when the national confab was still ongoing and majority of the people interviewed were of the view that, though the practice of state policing has its drawbacks, it was worth giving a trial especially in view of the enormous security challenges facing the country for decades.
Incidentally, like the over 600 beautiful recommendations of the 492 conferees from across the country, aimed at political, economic and social structures improvement and overall regeneration of the country, the recommendation of state police has remained on the pages of the conference’s report while the country continues to grapple with insecurity. You know, ours is a country where the saying that government is a continuum is hardly practised. A government takes over from its predecessor and all projects started by the former regime are abandoned and new ones initiated, not minding how much human and material resources had been invested on the projects already. Anyway, that is by the way.
In recent times, the unending quest for state police has taken center stage with the Southern governors and the national lawmakers pushing for it. On Tuesday, a bill seeking the creation of state police passed for second reading in the House of Representatives.
The private member bill seeks to amend the 1999 Constitution and make police a concurrent issue in the constitution, which will allow states to create and maintain police; it proposes the amendment of section 197 (1) of the constitution and creating a state police council and state police service commission and deletion of item 45 in the second schedule (Exclusive list) and insert police in the concurrent list.
One will want to agree with the Deputy Minority Leader of the House, Toby Okechukwu, that “Ordinarily, the issue of state police should have been done with because it is needed. The exclusive list needs to shed weight. There is no state in this country that does not have a security outfit. They are lacking the powers to bear arms; they are lacking the powers to arrest and prosecute”.
The issue of state police is long overdue. The number of policemen we have in the country, less than 200,000 policemen to police over 200 million people is grossly inadequate. Let the various states get involved so as to beef up the number, make the police more efficient and create job opportunities for more young people.
Likewise, one supports the opinion of the southern governors that the practice of only federal policing, where a commissioner of police in a state waits for orders from Abuja even in the face of critical security problem in the state or where some security operations take place in a state without the governor being in the know is no longer tenable.
The governors are known as the chief security officers of the states. That should not only be by words but also in practice. However, the reservations people have about state police chiefly has to do with the attitude of our politicians, particularly the governors to the people. Many governors in the country act like emperors rather than the servants of the people. They lord it over the people, suppress them. They spend peoples’ money the way and manner they deem fit without proper accountability and expect no one to ask questions. Whoever does so is considered an enemy and is being hunted.
Ours is a clime where every big man – a governor, a minister, lawmakers, chairmen of local government areas, even councillors, want to control the police with the people’s money. If they can do it with the federal police when they have no power over their employment, salary and other benefits, what will then become the situation when the power to hire and fire a policeman lies in their hands?
Besides, who would make up the state police if not the boys of those in authority? The man who is on the seat will want to employ his community’s men more in the police. So, if his community and another community have a problem, he will send the police of his own community to suppress the other community that has no police.
We can be sure that the quota system will not be used in recruiting policemen. They will make noise about the quota system, qualification, competence, credibility and other ethical values, but all these will be dumped when the time comes. Rather, bias, tribalism, religion and other selfish considerations will hold sway.
So, much as one agrees that state police is the way to go, the type of administrative system in the country where the executive arm yields enormous power and principle of separation of power is rarely complied with will make an effective state police almost impossible.
Therefore, the federal legislators should not stop at enacting a law that will pave a way for the establishment of state police. There should be provision of the law that will make the police independent, free from undue influence and control of the executive and other arms of government.
The law should also set up a distinct body to handle the employment, promotion, discipline, welfare and other issues that concern the police. It should not be the responsibility of the state government. Most importantly, the law should spell out how the state police should be funded. If the police commissioners, area commanders and divisional police officers are left to go begging cap-in-hand to the governors for funds and operational equipment, as we often see it even with the federal police, then the aim will be defeated.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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