Opinion
State Police: To Be Or Not
The talk about state police has been on as long as one can remember. During the 2014 National Conference, it was a key issue for debate with the delegates approving the establishment of state police to strengthen security in the country. Though it was for states that could afford it, many people saw it as a giant leap into the much talked about true federalism, where states or federating units will be allowed by law, to own police and some institutions of government that enhance the administration of justice.
I recall doing a vox pop on the controversial topic in 2014 when the national confab was still ongoing and majority of the people interviewed were of the view that, though the practice of state policing has its drawbacks, it was worth giving a trial especially in view of the enormous security challenges facing the country for decades.
Incidentally, like the over 600 beautiful recommendations of the 492 conferees from across the country, aimed at political, economic and social structures improvement and overall regeneration of the country, the recommendation of state police has remained on the pages of the conference’s report while the country continues to grapple with insecurity. You know, ours is a country where the saying that government is a continuum is hardly practised. A government takes over from its predecessor and all projects started by the former regime are abandoned and new ones initiated, not minding how much human and material resources had been invested on the projects already. Anyway, that is by the way.
In recent times, the unending quest for state police has taken center stage with the Southern governors and the national lawmakers pushing for it. On Tuesday, a bill seeking the creation of state police passed for second reading in the House of Representatives.
The private member bill seeks to amend the 1999 Constitution and make police a concurrent issue in the constitution, which will allow states to create and maintain police; it proposes the amendment of section 197 (1) of the constitution and creating a state police council and state police service commission and deletion of item 45 in the second schedule (Exclusive list) and insert police in the concurrent list.
One will want to agree with the Deputy Minority Leader of the House, Toby Okechukwu, that “Ordinarily, the issue of state police should have been done with because it is needed. The exclusive list needs to shed weight. There is no state in this country that does not have a security outfit. They are lacking the powers to bear arms; they are lacking the powers to arrest and prosecute”.
The issue of state police is long overdue. The number of policemen we have in the country, less than 200,000 policemen to police over 200 million people is grossly inadequate. Let the various states get involved so as to beef up the number, make the police more efficient and create job opportunities for more young people.
Likewise, one supports the opinion of the southern governors that the practice of only federal policing, where a commissioner of police in a state waits for orders from Abuja even in the face of critical security problem in the state or where some security operations take place in a state without the governor being in the know is no longer tenable.
The governors are known as the chief security officers of the states. That should not only be by words but also in practice. However, the reservations people have about state police chiefly has to do with the attitude of our politicians, particularly the governors to the people. Many governors in the country act like emperors rather than the servants of the people. They lord it over the people, suppress them. They spend peoples’ money the way and manner they deem fit without proper accountability and expect no one to ask questions. Whoever does so is considered an enemy and is being hunted.
Ours is a clime where every big man – a governor, a minister, lawmakers, chairmen of local government areas, even councillors, want to control the police with the people’s money. If they can do it with the federal police when they have no power over their employment, salary and other benefits, what will then become the situation when the power to hire and fire a policeman lies in their hands?
Besides, who would make up the state police if not the boys of those in authority? The man who is on the seat will want to employ his community’s men more in the police. So, if his community and another community have a problem, he will send the police of his own community to suppress the other community that has no police.
We can be sure that the quota system will not be used in recruiting policemen. They will make noise about the quota system, qualification, competence, credibility and other ethical values, but all these will be dumped when the time comes. Rather, bias, tribalism, religion and other selfish considerations will hold sway.
So, much as one agrees that state police is the way to go, the type of administrative system in the country where the executive arm yields enormous power and principle of separation of power is rarely complied with will make an effective state police almost impossible.
Therefore, the federal legislators should not stop at enacting a law that will pave a way for the establishment of state police. There should be provision of the law that will make the police independent, free from undue influence and control of the executive and other arms of government.
The law should also set up a distinct body to handle the employment, promotion, discipline, welfare and other issues that concern the police. It should not be the responsibility of the state government. Most importantly, the law should spell out how the state police should be funded. If the police commissioners, area commanders and divisional police officers are left to go begging cap-in-hand to the governors for funds and operational equipment, as we often see it even with the federal police, then the aim will be defeated.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
