Editorial
Making UTME Registration Seamless
The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, JAMB’s insistence on linking the 2021 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) to National Identity Number (NIN) is not going down well with parents and some Nigerians. Many prospective candidates are still bemoaning their inability to register and be part of the ongoing examination.
Sadly, Nigerians’ penchant for procrastination is partly to blame for their predicament. JAMB introduced this policy in 2019 but jettisoned it afterwards following an outcry by Nigerians including members of the National Assembly. Implementation of the policy was put off to 2021. But Nigerians, in their characteristic manner, failed to utilise the grace period. Two years would have been enough for anyone to obtain NIN, the difficulties regardless.
With NIN requirement for the UTME this year, most applicants were compelled to go through difficulties like extortion, long queues in scorching weather, non-adherence to Covid-19 protocols and other unwholesome practices devoid of ethics to enable them register. Others lamented that even with NIN, they could not complete the first stage of application process.
This policy has come with different challenges such as inadequate enrollment centres for the National Identity Card, which some prospective candidates of JAMB have to struggle for weeks or even months, to get to register and generate their NIN for UTME or Direct Entry registration as prescribed by the board. There is also the issue of telecommunications and Digital Service Providers’ poor service delivery and connectivity failure.
JAMB’s Registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, had clarified that it introduced the use of NIN for registration of the 2021 UTME to checkmate examination malpractice and double registration. He further disclosed that the usage of NIN as a prerequisite for registration was the brainchild of the Minister of Education, Mallam Adamu Adamu.
This regulation has come with a mixed grill. While we, indeed, support any possible and legitimate measure entrenched by JAMB to check examination malpractice, in our well considered opinion, such move is counter-productive at this time, especially when juxtaposed with the challenges directly associated with NIN registration.
Moreover, with the wide reports of hardship Nigerians are encountering to procure NIN on a daily basis, it is rather unnecessary to make it compulsory for candidates, even though it is significant for every Nigerian to have it. Added to this is the fact that not many activities were carried out last year following the lockdown occasioned by the Covid-19 pandemic.
Unfortunately, the arduous task of obtaining the NIN might have compelled JAMB to postpone the exams. The examination body had extended the registration date in a statement by its Head of Information and Public Affairs, Dr. Fabian Benjamin. The spokesman apologised for their inability to complete the process of smooth pin vending and candidates’ access to the registration app.
In all fairness to JAMB, it was observed that some prospective candidates failed to have successful registrations because they infringed the use of double space in sending messages for profile code generation, unmatched name with the one in NIMC, phone number already used by another candidate, insufficient balance to generate profile code that cost N50, among others.
Given those reasons, we think that the examination body cannot be denounced for those self created reversals; but, prospective candidates who were able to reproduce their profile codes, having being charged N4,000 payable in certified bank draft, should be refunded immediately or be allowed to take the examination in whatever way that can be done. This has to include all persons impacted by poor network or a delayed response from telecommunications service providers.
Most worrisome, however, is the sheer fact that JAMB still went ahead and provided profile codes to the candidates it felt infringed on its rules and also directed them to pay the mandatory N4,000 at the bank before proceeding to its various offices across the nation with bank drafts, with a view to registering them for the examination. This is fraudulent. We say so because despite being armed with their profile codes and parting with the required fee, they could not participate in the examination at the end of the day.
Again, since no UTME was conducted in 2020 following the Covid-19 pandemic, JAMB ought to have considered the fact that admission into higher institutions would double. The logical thing to do in the circumstances was for the board to make the NIN requirement optional and prioritise candidates’ enrolment by utilising a longer period for registration. This way, the challenge would have been sorted with ample time.
JAMB would need to do more in subsequent enrollment exercises to make the process easier as these challenges could dampen morale and affect overall performance in the examination. Specifically, we urge the Federal Ministry of Education to suspend the policy till when there is a seamless and well-organised process for obtaining the NIN. Students should be able to obtain their NIN in their accredited schools.
Policies that give priority to students at NIN registration centres and the provision of alternative avenues to generate the all-important profile code are some of the things the examination body can immediately do to ease the process for candidates going forward.
Editorial
Strike: Heeding ASUU’s Demands
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
Addressing The State Of Roads In PH
