Editorial
Against Maltreatment Of Nigerians In China

Nigerians and some African blacks living in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou, home to Asia’s largest African diaspora, were extruded onto the street by the authorities of their host country, following the recent uptick in the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic.
Some Nigerians have allegedly been summarily evicted by their landlords in Guangzhou at the behest of the police and were denied access to medical facilities and hotels where they sought alternative refuge. Also, they were being denied food at restaurants, corralled into quarantine, forcibly tested for the virus and their passports confiscated. These are unacceptable diplomatic conduct, and thus, condemnable in all ramifications.
They were accused of being the purveyors of the virus even when some of them had no recent travel history. Among the victims are businessmen, travellers and students. After the initial recovery from the pandemic, China recorded 108 confirmed new cases as of April 12 in a few cities, sparking fresh concerns.
For several years, China and Nigeria have been inextricably intertwined. China executes critical projects across the country and has remained one of Nigeria’s enormous trading partners. Both countries have worked so closely that eighty per cent of Nigeria’s bilateral debt is owed to China. That is why the Asian giant consistently stresses the significance of Sino-Nigeria alliances.
Co-operations between Nigeria and China risk irrevocable disruption if the Chinese government proceeds with downplaying deeply rooted racial predispositions and dismisses the international outrage at the treatment of Nigerians in particular and Africans in general.
The clampdowns on Nigerians and black people in that country, ostensibly to forestall a re-emergence of COVID-19, is xenophobic, deeply entrenched in a longstanding resentment toward Africans in the Asian country. Anti-African sentiments in China are active and date back to decades, manifesting in riots aimed at Africans in 1988-1989 in Nanjing.
Although we concede that Chinese authorities could quarantine anyone found to have contracted COVID-19 regardless of nationality, we think that the isolation or eventual deportation of any Nigerian or foreigner who tests positive to the virus but flagrantly flouts strict sequestration rules, should be a joint undertaking between both countries.
But the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Geoffrey Onyeama, said the allegations had been investigated and found to be untrue, blaming the issue on “communication gap.” At a joint news conference, both governments pledged renewed commitment to combating the pandemic and bridging the line of communication henceforth. The Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila, said the row had been resolved without giving any details. This is wrong.
This treatment of Nigerians abroad evokes many ideas about national values, foreign relations, human rights, diplomacy and law. Consequently, the Federal Government should seek remedies for these breaches against its citizens. A thorough investigation should be conducted to get the Chinese authorities to halt the ill-treatment and abuse of hapless and helpless Nigerians in that country.
Truth is that the ugly experiences of Nigerians in other climes constitute a sad reflection of the government’s affliction of their own citizens on home soil. Nigerians are daily subjected to the negative effects of massive official corruption, wanton human rights abuses, name-calling, extreme poverty, among others, by a government they elected to protect them.
In 2016, President Muhammadu Buhari came under intense fire for his comments in an interview with a reputable tabloid in the United Kingdom (UK) where he claimed that Nigerians were unwelcome by other countries because of their reputation for crime. If our President could make such an extremely adverse remark about his people, how would the average Nigerian be perceived by other nationals?
Only lately, Nigerians residing abroad who indicated interest in returning home on account of the COVID-19 pandemic were asked by the federal government to bear the expenses of their evacuation to Nigeria. We deem this exceptionable and advise the government to emulate the glowing examples of Britain and the United States who bore the cost of evacuating their own citizens from COVID-19 endemic nations.
Since the long-term friendship between China and Nigeria is widely acknowledged, we advise that this relationship must not be deprived of mutual respect. Even under the current universal emergency situation, it is imperative that China accords Nigeria due respect as a sovereign nation and an equal partner in the global fight against the COVID-19 pandemic.
This is our stand.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work

When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
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