Opinion
Ekweremadu: Significance Of Nuremberg
Students of history will recall that what started in Sarajevo ended, after many years of tumult, in Nuremberg. Thus came a slogan that action brings a reaction. Sarajevo was associated with the murder of Archduke Ferdinand, and Nuremberg with the trial (1945-6) of military leaders and war criminals by the International Military Tribunal, in Germany. The 1st and 2nd World Wars provide us with great lessons of far-reaching significance.
The Tide newspaper of Monday, August 19, 2019, carried some news about “the assault, physical attack and disrespectful actions of some Igbos against Senator Ike Ekweremadu in Nuremberg, Germany …” Without going into the possible causes of the incident in Germany, both immediate and remote, it would be needful to recall that in November 2018, Ekweremadu was attacked in his Abuja residence by some criminals described by the police as burglars. Being an expert in unarmed combat, Ekweremadu was able to defeat the intruders and had one of them arrested. We wait to hear what happened to the burglars.
The relevant issue here is that the attacks on Ekeremadu in the past few years, both in Nigeria and Germany, are symbolic, going far beyond his person. In November 1966, in a private conversation with a German on the crisis in Nigeria then, there was a suggestion that “the Ibo group has merely been singled out as the ‘Fall Guy’…” The deeper significance of that statement about the “fall guy” became clearer as events unfolded more and more, and continued to unfold after the Nigerian Civil War in 1970. The story goes beyond Igbo people.
Whatever that “fall guy” may mean to anyone, within the Nigerian political calculation, the possibility may include a “scapegoat” among other speculations. For a German to speculate far back in 1966 that “the Ibo group has merely been singled out as the fall guy”, can also mean that the 2019 Nuremberg show goes beyond Senator Ekweremadu as an individual. If we take the Sarajevo/Nuremberg connection as a peg, we can speculate that what began in Nigeria, January 15, 1966, is yet to close its cycle of cause and effect.
What is important, within this perspective of speculation, is to remove the “scapegoat” tag from the neck of “the Ibo group”, singled out as the fall guy, arising from what happened, January 15, 1966. It was quite gladdening that the former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, now Emir of Kano, Alhaji Sanusi, said it publicly that Igbo people had paid adequate penalties for the audacity of their brothers in the military coup of January 1966. Re-integrate them!
Expectedly, many people would not agree with the speculation that what happened January 1966 was an “Igbo Coup” with intent to “dominate”, yet many Nigerians were carried away by that propaganda. It is needful to point out that the “Ibo or Igbo coup for domination purpose” was cooked up and spread out largely by some foreigners in Nigeria, some of them British.
With the propaganda of “Igbo coup and domination ambition” there was another counter or revenge coup which resulted in the brutal and mass slaughter of many soldiers and civilians from the Southern parts of Nigeria. The claim or anger was that “for spilling the blood of a high Fulani Emir, Ibos must die in large numbers.” It was a mass hysteria arising from clever propaganda. It was considered expedient to create a scapegoat in order to divert attention away from those who destroyed Nigeria, 1960-1966. Similar strategy is still in vogue currently.
The significance of Nuremberg lies in the fact that an International Military Tribunal tried some people for war crimes, 145-6, in Germany. In the case of Nigeria, nobody was tried for the Ist military coup of 1966, the counter or revenge coup of July 1966, the mass slaughter of Southern Nigerians in the North, and the atrocities of the Nigerian Civil War. King John once said: “I repent: There is no sure foundation set on blood, no certain life achieved by others’ death”. Those who kill must contend with blood!
Maybe it was expedient to declare a “no victor, no vanquished” posture at the end of the Nigeria Civil War, resulting in no one being tried for war crimes. But truly the opportunity to bring to public knowledge what happened during the dark era (1966-1970) was lost. A later-day peace and reconciliation effort in which late Justice Chukwudifu Oputa was involved, was a mere after thought, which did not achieve any significant result. But something more significant was covered up and a posture of magnanimity and sanctimony taken.
That a section of the Nigerian nation was short-changed (to say the least) was not an issue serious enough to address with honesty and good faith. The euphoria of a successful end of war of rebellion drowned the need to revisit the brutal and senseless, organized slaughter of “Igbo people” in Northern Nigeria after July 1966, culminating in “Biafra” becoming a possible solution. The euphoria of one Nigeria after a rebellion drowned the injustice involved in Decree No. 51 of 1969 which transferred the oil and gas assets of the Niger Delta people to become common Nigerian assets.
Those embarked on another propaganda that there is nothing to restructure in the Nigerian polity except our minds should remember that the Nuremberg Trials provided Germany an opportunity to state its case and make some claims even in defeat. Those who are interested in history should look back at what culminated in the Ist and 2nd World Wars, especially the scrambles for and partitioning of Africa by the nations of Europe.
Is it not an irony that Berlin which hosted the meetings of the partitioning process later became a divided city, with the Berlin Walls? The Igbo man as a fall guy or as a scapegoat is an irony that must be addressed sooner or later, before we have another Nuremberg show of hostility. On the side of my old friend, Ike Ekeremadu, please, there is a need for caution. Just lie low, a bit.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer, Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
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