About 50 years ago one David Schwartz articulated and expressed his ideas about the working of a capitalist economy. What he called Schwartz’s First Law states that 80% of the good things of life are owned, controlled and enjoyed by less than 20% of the population, while more than 80% of the people scramble over less than 20% of the resources or wealth of a nation. This is a brief summary of Nigeria’s political economy, but hardly would the beneficiaries of this structure admit that this is the current situation. It is a global issue.
Victims of this vicious economic system will continue to remain in the dark about the operations of this political economy. It is no crime for any individual to become wealthy through legitimate means, neither is poverty a crime provided that it is not the result of a faulty, clever structure. Exclusive monopoly of access to wealth and power is a feature of an oligarchy, by which means a faulty, clever structure. Exclusive monopoly of access to wealth and power is a feature of an oligarchy, by which means a faulty, clever political economy can be put in place. This can be an ill wind.
The Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) provided an opportunity for the enthronement of a vicious system which has now grown into a monster. The Nigerian military obviously played key roles in the establishment and sustenance of the structure, coupled with individuals and groups that were beneficiaries of the spoils of war. The international community also played some clever diplomatic roles in various ways which would ensure some sanctimony.
Before he died, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, saw dangers ahead in a post-war Nigeria, making him to advocate for a diarchy whereby the polity would be managed jointly by the politicians and military top-hierarchy. Having tasted wealth and power during the years of military intervention in politics, it was considered safe and expedient to operate a diarchy rather than a fake democracy. Now can Nigeria be said, in all honesty, to be operating a democracy in the true sense? Those who did not understand Zik kicked against military involvement in government.
Like a cult system, the military top hierarchy shares common sympathy and cooperation despite personal differences. Similarly, politicians have an inner circle irrespective of party affiliations. An evolving class system usually builds a nucleus, a driving and uniting force of which commodity is the rallying point. In Nigeria, oil is the commodity around whose monopoly there are powerful hawks and interest groups. Huge investments require long knives, sharp enough to create a monopoly and instill fear.
Ethnic warlords and estranged politicians can find means to become relevant by joining interest groups and power blocks that are formidable. In an effort to join them (if you cannot beat them) some desperate politicians borrow heavily or do some ugly things in order to become relevant. It is the system created by power structure which drives the political economy, a faceless, ruthless system under the control of less than 20% of the population.
The system or structure which has evolved in Nigeria in the past 50 years operates under the custody and guardianship of the military. It is obvious that the diarchy advocated by Zik has taken a different guise which can hardly be dislodged. Political parties may rise, change names and actors, while the faceless power structure remains, exclusive and intimidating. Despite all semblances of a democracy it can hardly be said that the Nigerian “system” is truly democratic. The judiciary also adds to the enigma.
Late Shehu Shagari, as a sitting President, once gave out the secret of the system in a campaign slogan: “If you cannot beat them, join them.” Who would take on a Titan through the ballot box or seek redress in court in a voodoo system of politics? The ill wind which needs to be averted is the plight of over 80% of Nigerians who are estranged in the system. What is the place of the masses in an unfair political economy? Nations which faced this kind of dilemma in history introduced a social welfare system as remedy.
The use of sinecure and patronage to appease loyalists cannot be a sustainable strategy in the midst of bamboozlement and exclusion. Deployment of jobless, hungry desperadoes for dirty jobs in the service of a vicious political economy would be a time bomb waiting for ignition. The hollowness of the system that we operate and the partisanship of the military are becoming known to a growing number of Nigerians. Containment of an ill wind demands a restructuring.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer at the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.

Bright Amirize