Opinion
Between Kutigi’s Confab And Uwais Report
The Honourable Justice Idris Kutigi led-National Conference, masterminded by the erstwhile administration of President Goodluck Jonathan and inaugurated on Monday, March 17, 2014 was concluded amidst high hopes from all quarters, despite the huge amounts allocated to the confab.
Most people overlooked the huge financial implications on account of salient issues the conference resolutely earmarked to determine. Expectedly, critical long-standing issues particularly socio-political and ethno-religious problems triggered torrid disagreements, albeit afterward determined.
Overall, 492 delegates selected across the nation congregated in the seat of power to untangle the hitherto no-go areas in the system. Ridiculously, every ethnic group represented cried wolf over the same object; ‘marginalization’, perhaps, to espouse the phrase that attack is the best defensive game. Nonetheless, the confab provided opportunity, at least, to discuss as neighboring communities, but it was economically a faux pas.
Obviously, the multitude of the hand-picked delegates lacked requisite legitimacy to embark on such exercise since the duty is restrictedly vested in the elected lawmakers. Sadly, too, participants were contentedly shortsighted with making resolutions and overlooked its implementation vis-à-vis the legal regime.
For instance, Section 4(1) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria unambiguously provides that; “the legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be vested in a National Assembly for the federation, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives”.
The section also outlines the legislative procedures for making laws, and is so stringent that any actions even by the legislators that is inconsistent with the laid down procedures for making laws is invalid.
Regrettably, most of the confab delegates believably knew that such usurpation of powers through handpicking of delegates devoid of any legal criteria would amount to nullity. Even while the confab lasted, the legislature explicitly distanced itself from the exercise. Still, the delegates never considered it imperative to strategize on how to push forward its resolutions to the National Assembly, either by mobilizing the people to mandate their elected representatives or lobby the lawmakers themselves.
For emphasis, federal laws are, in a democracy, made through prescribed processes by the National Assembly, except delegated legislations by statutory bodies. Under no circumstances can a body not recognized in law like the Kutigi-led confab make valid laws for the federation. Unfortunately, the participants hailed the exercise and tagged it a success despite its fundamental drift from legislative processes.
Eventually, after the presidential election alongside inauguration, it dawned on the people that the government had no legal capacity to implement it, nor political will to push it for legislative process in sync with the constitution.
The bitter truth is that under democratic arrangement, the Executive cannot implement such confab report except to sponsor it as executive bills which will still be at the mercy of the nation’s lawmakers. To call the exercise a success by mere deliberations with litany of resolutions is the height of absurdities and narrow-mindedness because the Executive statutorily lacks powers to implement it without due passage by the National Assembly.
The best action any sincere government would judiciously take in the overall interest of the nation remains to press strongly for legislative passage of the earlier Hon. Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais-led 22-man Electoral Reform report of 2008 which was altruistically spearheaded by late ex-President, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. To abandon the Uwais report which has the capacity of correcting the nation’s weak foundation and ipso facto fix the right people in leadership positions remains the greatest injustice to the country.
Most likely, late ex-President Yar’Adua’s spirit may not be resting perfectly in peace over the political murder of his electoral reform that suggests the easiest way out of Nigeria’s gargantuan problems.
A well-structured electoral system remains the sine qua non to urgent national revolution. Until such a brilliant report is implemented, the helpless masses will continue to watch the usual home movies in government, particularly in the legislative arm, knowing that no president, irrespective of political will, can do much in the midst of a pathetic, unskilled and narcissistic extra-large legislature.
The burden now shifts to President Muhammadu Buhari to expeditiously revisit the Justice Lawal Uwais report for implementation as a distinctive way to ending the nation’s political problems.
Umegboro, a public affairs analyst, lives in Abuja.
Carl Umegboro
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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