Editorial
ECOWAS Court, FG And Dasuki
The long-drawn legal battle between the
Federal Government and the former
National Security Adviser (NSA) to former President Goodluck Jonathan, Col. Sambo Dasuki (rtd), over enforcement of the latter’s fundamental human rights finally went to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Court which recently ordered his immediate release on bail.
Dasuki has been detained since November 3, 2015 after his arrest by operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) over an alleged $2.1 billion arms procurement deal.
Before the matter went to the ECOWAS Court in Abuja, the former NSA had practically exhausted all legal options in search of bail which when granted by each of the three high courts the anti-graft agency took him, was quickly annulled. For, no sooner had he been granted bail and released from the Kuje Prisons in Abuja on December 29, was he re-arrested by operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS), thus, making a mockery of the courts.
All parties to the matter, including the Federal Government, Attorney General of the Federation and the Inspector General of Police (IGP), made legal representations before the sub-regional court not only ordered for Dasuki’s immediate release but also awarded him a N15 million cost against the Federal Government to cover for the deprivation of his right under Articles 5 and 6 of the African Charter on Citizens Rights to Freedom of Liberty.
The three-man panel of judges whose unanimous verdict was read by Justice Chijioke Nwoke also considered as ridiculous the claim by the Federal Government that Dasuki planned to stage a coup d’etat and possibly wage war against millions of his compatriots. Responding, the Federal Government, through the Attorney General, said it was still studying the ECOWAS Court’s ruling with a view to complying with its order and necessary provisions as applicable.
Given that it is now more than three weeks since the October 4 ruling granting Dasuki bail, The Tide frowns at the continued delay by the President Muhammadu Buhari-led Federal Government to obey this simple court order.
We think that Nigeria, under the current leadership, should not be seen by the international community as being above the law. Rather, the Federal Government must respect the Rule of Law and the independence of the judiciary which serves as a check on likely excesses of the executive arm.
Moreso, considering the critical role Nigeria played as a key founding and financial member of the ECOWAS, the country must not be seen as destroying a house she painstakingly helped to build over the decades.
Therefore, in the same manner, Nigeria complied with the ruling of the International Court of Justice at The Hague over the disputed oil-rich Bakassi Peninsular, no matter how unpalatable, she should continue to strive and ensure the existence and sustenance of ECOWAS and its organs.
The delay or outright disobedience of both municipal and international court orders by the Federal Government will not only dent Nigeria’s image but also scare foreign investments as investors may lose confidence in doing business in a lawless country.
Also worthy of mention is the case of Nnamdi Kanu, detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), who was equally granted bail by a court of competent jurisdiction and was reported to have met his bail conditions but still remains in detention. He, too, seems to be considering recourse to the ECOWAS Court.
Again, it beats our imagination that the Federal Government and its agencies would be quick to arraign any crime suspects and obey only favourable judgements but opt to foot-drag against unfavourable ones.
It is the contention of The Tide that Nigeria shall lose nothing in allowing Dasuki go on bail as directed by the ECOWAS Court pending determination of the substantive suit. Anything short of this, amounts to outright disobedience to court order and by extension, the rule of law which automatically interprets the case against the suspect as a product of witch-hunting which may be injurious to the nation’s nascent democracy.
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Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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